27th Parliament · 2nd Session
Mr SPEAKER (Hon. Sir William Aston) took the chair at 3 p.m., and read prayers.
page 3
– I present the following petition:
To the. Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of citizens of the Commonwealth of Australia respectfully showeth:
That the sales tax on all forms of contraceptive devices is 271/4 pet cent. (Sales Tax Exemptions and Classifications Act 1935-1967). Also that there is customs duty of up to 471/2 per cent on some contraceptive devices.
And that thisis an unfair imposition on the human rights of all people who wish to prevent unwanted pregnancies. And furthermore that this imposition discriminates particularly against people on tow incomes.
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that the sales tax on all forms of contraceptive devices be removed, so as to bring these items into line with other necessities such as food, upon which there is no sales tax. Also that customs duties be removed, and that all contraceptive devices be placed on the national health scheme pharmaceutical benefits list
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
Petition received.
– I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of citizens of the Commonwealth of Australia respectfully showeth:
That the sales tax on all forms of contraceptive devices is 271/2 per cent. (Sales Tax Exemptions and Classifications Act 1935-1967). Also that there is customs duty of up to 471/2 per cent on some contraceptive devices.
And that this is an unfair imposition on the human rights of all people who wish to prevent unwanted pregnancies. And furthermore that this imposition discriminates particularly against people on low incomes.
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that the sales tax on all forms of contraceptive devices be removed, so as to bring these items into line with other necessities such as food, upon which there is no sales tax. Also that customs duties be removed, and (hat all contraceptive devices be placed on the national health scheme pharmaceutical benefits list.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
Petition received.
-I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives, in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of 10 electors of the Commonwealth of Australia respectfully showeth: 1. that the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2603 XXIV A (December 1969) declares that the Geneva Protocol of 1925, which Australia has ratified, prohibits the use in international armed conflict of any chemical agents of warfare - chemical substances whether gaseous, liquid ‘or solid - employed for their direct toxic effects on man, animals or plants;
that the World Health Organisation Report (January 1970) confirms the above definition of chemical agents of warfare;
that the Australian Government does not accept this definition, but holds that the Geneva Protocol does not prevent the use in war of certain toxic chemical substances in the form of herbicides, defoliants and ‘riot control’ agents.
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray -
that the Parliament take note of the consensus of international political, scientific and humanitarian opinion; and
that Honourable Members urge upon the Government the desirability of revising its interpretation of the Geneva Protocol, and declaring that it regards all chemical substances employed for their toxic’ effects on man, animals or plants as being included in the prohibitions laid down by that Protocol.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
Petition received.
– I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament Assembled. The humble petition of electors of the Commonwealth of Australia respectfully showeth:
that the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2603 XXIV A (December 1969) declares that the Geneva Protocol of 192S, which Australia has ratified, prohibits the use in international armed conflict of any chemical agents of warfare - chemical substances whether gaseous, liquid or solid - employed for their direct toxic effects on man, animals or plants;
that the World Health Organisation Report (January 1970) confirms the above definition of chemical agents of warfare;
that the Australian Government does not accept this definition, but holds that the Geneva Protocol does not prevent the use in war of certain toxic chemical substances in the form of herbicides, defoliants and ‘riot control’ agents.
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray:
that the Parliament take note of the consensus of international political, scientific and humanitarian opinion; and
that Honourable Members urge upon the Government the desirability of revising its interpretation of the Geneva Protocol, and declaring that it regards all chemical substances employed for their toxic effects on man, animals or plants as being included in the prohibitions laid down by that Protocol.
And your petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray.
Petition received.
– I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament Assembled. The humble petition of 4 electors of the Commonwealth of Australia respectfully showeth:
that the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2603 XXIV A (December 1969) declares that the Geneva Protocol of 1925, which Australia has ratified, prohibits the use in international armed conflict of any chemical agents of warfare - chemical substances whether gaseous, liquid or solid - employed for their direct toxic effects on man, animals or plants;
that the World Health Organisation Report (January 1970) confirms the above definition of chemical agents of warfare;
that the Australian Government does not accept this definition, but holds that the Geneva Protocol does not prevent the use in war of certain toxic chemical substances in the form of herbicides, defoliants and ‘riotcontrol’ agents.
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray:
that the Parliament take note of the consensus of international political, scientific and humanitarian opinion; and
that Honourable Members urge upon the Government the desirability of . revising its interpretation of the Geneya Protocol, and declaring that it regards all chemical substances employed for their toxic effects on man, animals or plants as being included in the prohibitions laid down by that Protocol.
And your petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray.
Petition received.
– I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of electors of the Commonwealth of Australia respectfully showeth -
that the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2603 XXIV A (December 1969) declares that the Geneva Protocol of 1925, which Australia has ratified, prohibits the use in international armed conflict of any chemical agents of warfare - chemical substances whether gaseous, liquid or solid - employed for their direct toxic effects on man, animals or plants;
that the World Health . Organisation Report (January 1970) confirms the above definition of chemical agents of warfare;
that the Australian Government does not accept this definition, but holds that the Geneva Protocol doss not prevent the use in war of certain toxic chemical substances in the form of herbicides, defoliants and ‘riotcontrol’ agents.
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray -
And your petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray.
Petition received
– I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of citizens of the Commonwealth respectfully sheweth -
Your petitioners request that your honourable House make legal provision for -
Increase in the maintenance allowance for students.
Petition received.
– I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of citizens of the Commonwealth respectfully sheweth -
Your petitioners request that your honourable House make legal provision for -
And your petitioners, as in duly bound, will ever pray.
Petition received.
MrDOBIE -I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The petition of the undersigned showeth:
Your petitioners most humbly pray that the House of Representatives, in Parliament assembled, should -
Cause the Australian Government to recognise the right of Australian professional people engaged in the creative and performing arts to further develop their skills and talents in Australia, and to be protected from overseas programmes in a way that will encourage an Australian Television and Radio industry that can reflect and contribute to our identity and growth as a Nation.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
Petition received and read.
– I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of the residents of the State of Queensland respectfully showeth:
That unless the Australian Government place a statutory reserve price, at no less than the basic cost of production, on the sale of wool, the operation of the Wool Commission and the Rural Reconstruction Board will be of no long term benefit.
That the drastic economic conditions of the wool industry have a direct bearing on the small businessmen in towns in wool areas and consideration should be given to them sharing in the $30m wool grant.
That the wool industry by collaborating with manufacturers of other fibres should raise and maintain the general level of prices for all fibres therefore stimulating demand.
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that:
The Government set a statutory reserve price on the sale of- wool, assist small businessmen in towns in wool areas and encourage collaboration between the wool industry and manufacturers of other fibres in order to stimulate demand for wool.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
Petition received.
– I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of certain residents of Victoria respectfully showeth:
Earlier this year, in its efforts to reduce expenditure, the Federal Government proposed cuts in foreign aid, particularly in regard to developing countries. While we have no doubt that economies’ are necessary, we hope this step will be reconsidered and that some solution be found which will not adversely affect the underprivileged, whether in Australia or overseas.
Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that our foreign aid will, as soon as possible, be increased to at least one per cent of the gross national product.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
Petition received.
-I present the following petition:
To the Honourable the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives in Parliament assembled. The humble petition of citizens of the Commonwealth respectfully sheweth:
It is desired to draw attention to the urgent need for increased aid to Independent Schools as the present grant is totally inadequate.
Your petitioners request that your honourable House make legal provision for an inquiry into increasing State aid to Independent Schools.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
Petition received.
page 6
– Mr Speaker, I desire to inform the House of certain Ministerial changes and arrangements since the House last met. Senator the Honourable Sir Kenneth Anderson has been appointed Minister for Health.
– How does Packer like him?
– The Honourable N. H. Bowen, Q.C., has been appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs.
– How is he with Packer?
– Order! The honourable member for Hindmarsh will cease interjecting.
– You had better watch, too.
– The honourable member for Hindmarsh will withdraw that interjection.
– Yes, Sir. I was referring to Packer, not you.
– Order! The honourable member for Hindmarsh will withdraw the statement.
– I did withdraw it and tried to explain.
– The Honourable David Fairbairn, D.F.C., has been appointed Minister for Defence. Mr Fairbairn will, for the time being, continue to hold the portfolio of Education and Science. Senator the HonourableI. J. Greenwood, Q.C., has been appointed Attorney-General. The Honourable Peter Howson has been appointed Minister for the Environment, Aborigines and the Arts and MinisterinCharge of Tourist Activities. Mr Garland has been appointed Minister for Supply. Also since the House last met, the Minister for Customs and Excise (Mr Chipp) has been appointed Deputy Leader of the House and Minister assisting the Minister for National Development; and the Minister for the Army (Mr Peacock) has been appointed Minister assisting the Treasurer.
Mr Speaker, 1 turn now to representation in the other chamber. The -Minister for Defence will continue to be represented in , the Senate by Senator Sir Kenneth Anderson, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs by Senator Wright who will also continue to represent the Minister for Education and Science. The Minister for Health will continue to be represented in this House by Dr Forbes, and the AttorneyGeneral will be represented by Mr N. H. Bowen. The . Minister- for- Supply . will be represented in the Senate by Senator Drake-Brockman, the Minister for the Environment, Aborigines and the Arts will be represented by Senator Greenwood, and Senator Cotton will represent the MinisterinCharge of Tourist Activities.
Sir, whilst I am on my feet I want to put this proposal to the Leader of the Opposition (Mr Whitlam): We know that he is anxious to bring on a censure motion, and we are willing to give him the maximum of assistance to permit him to bring on that censure motion immediately. Accordingly, if it is his wish, then we are prepared to move for the suspension of Standing Orders so that the censure motion can be brought on immediately and it will continue until shortly before 6 p.m. tonight.
page 7
-I ask the Prime Min ister a question. The right honourable gentleman will recall the form of the Executive Councillor’s oath, which he himself has taken many times, in particular the phrase I will not directly or indirectly reveal such matters as shall be debated in Council and committed to my secrecy.I askhim whether he recalls very recent statements: By the right honourable member for Higgins that one of the problems of Cabinet in recent years has been the problem of keeping things under wraps; by the honourable member for Wentworth that the whole business of Cabinet has been subject to an enormous number of leaks and the whole place has become something like a sieve; and by the honourable member for Berowra that he hud his own ideas about the source of Cabinet leaks.I ask: Do these statements by three recent Ministers testify to constant and serious breaches of Cabinet oaths of secrecy? Has he discussed the allegations with these ex-Ministers, and what steps will he take to discover those colleagues who have broken their oaths?
– This is an extraordinary question to be asked by the Leader of the Opposition. He referred to the Executive Councillor’s oath. This has got nothing whatsoever to do with the Cabinet secrecy. That is a convention and is not the result of swearing the oath for the Executive Council. If he looks at it he will see what the consequences are. But if he wants to know the conventions relating to the Cabinet I draw , his attention, first of all,., to Halsbury’s ‘Laws ofEngland’, 3rd Edition, Volume 7, at page 354, and also to Sir Ivor Jennings’ ‘Cabinet Government’, 3rd Edition, where it is. made abundantly clear that there is no oath of secrecy relating to the Cabinet itself. There is a convention, and that convention usually is observed.
page 7
-I address to the Minister for Labour and National Service a question concerning the employment of married women at Broken Hill. (Honourable members interjecting) -
– Order! The House will come to order. I would remind < honourable members that often complaints are made at the end of question time to the effect that sufficient time has not been available for questions to be asked.I assure the House that if this joviality continues there will be fewer questions asked’ I therefore ask the House to observe the Standing Orders.
– I now ask the Minister for Labour and National Service: Is the employment of all married women at Broken Hill still effectively regulated outside the law by the agents of the big Labor majority on the Barrier Industrial Council applying antediluvian trade union prejudices? Is this mode of procedure approved by the President and executive of the Australian Council of Trade Unions?
– The honourable gentleman does, of course, have a great depth of experience in industrial matters, and notwithstanding the mirth which the question has generated in the Opposition benches, it is fair to say that what the honourable gentleman is doing is drawing attention to one of the extreme examples of the excess of union power in Australia.
– That is an attack on Broken Hill.
– I might say to the honourable member for Riverina, who himself has recently also drawn attention to those excesses by public statement, that this is in every way a matter which the honourable gentleman ought to raise in the House and it is a proper matter for concern because the situation, as honourable members on the other side would be well aware, is that Broken Hill is a closed town and indeed is an example of the excess to which union power can run in this country. So far as the specific point which has been raised by the honourable gentleman is concerned, my understanding is that it is the policy of the Barrier Industrial Council, which has been applied with some few exceptions, that no married woman can work in that town if there is a single woman available for the job. It will be, I hope, self-evident to some honourable members opposite that this is a very serious infringement of the right of people to work. That that situation does obtain under the control of the Barrier Industrial Council is certainly a matter for regret by members on this side of the House and, I would hope, by some of the more responsible elements on the other side of the House. So far as the final point raised by the honourable gentleman in relation to the policy of the Australian Council of Trade Unions is concerned, I am not specifically aware of what the ACTU policy is in relation to Broken Hill but my very clear understanding is that the
ACTU has placed no conditions upon the right of married women in this country to work. The principle to be followed ought to be that of recruiting the best person for the job available.
page 8
– My question is addressed to the Prime Minister. Was he correctly reported as threatening the former Minister for Defence: ‘If you won’t cut the defence vote I’ll get someone who will’? Did the Brisbane ‘Telegraph’ report on 3rd June that consideration would soon be given to reducing the size of the Army? Did the ‘Sydney Morning Herald* report on 30th July that Australian troops would be out of Vietnam by Christmas and did the Melbourne ‘Sun’ report on 4th August that national service would be cut by 6 months? Can he say whether these disclosures were inspired as part of a systematic campaign to exact acceptance of a cut in the defence vote which the former Minister regarded as contrary to the national interest? If so, will he say from which members of his Ministry the leaks originated and what action has been taken against them?
– As to the first part of the question, it is false to say that I made that statement in the Cabinet. Usually I do not like making any statement about what occurs in Cabinet but in order to show how inaccurate the honourable gentleman is I. can immediately contradict that. The second point that I want to put to him is that I have no evidence whatsoever that these leaks came from any Cabinet source. Of course, statements have been made but because they are made it does not necessarily follow that they have come from Cabinet. They could have come from departmental or other sources. I am not one of those who is prepared to suggest, by innuendo or the creation of a false impression, that some members of the Cabinet or of the Ministry are responsible for these leaks. I have no evidence whatsoever that they came from Cabinet sources and consequently I have made no effort to ask any Minister whether he was responsible for them.
page 8
– I address a question to the Leader of the House. Bearing in mind that Bills tend to pile up towards the end of a session will the Leader of the House inform members of what steps the Government is taking to have Bills prepared early in the session for consideration by the Parliament? Will the Minister indicate to the House how many Bills are at present ready for presentation to the House?
– I am delighted to be able to answer this question because at the moment 19 Bills are ready for presentation to the House. A substantial job has been done in this regard by the Legislation and Programming Committee under the chairmanship of my colleague the Minister for Foreign Affairs. This achievement indicates the work that has been done over the last few months in trying to evolve a policy of administration which will solve a problem that has worried Parliaments throughout the world for many years. The Prime Minister initiated the appointment of a committee of senior representatives of the Public Service to prepare a report and to advise the Legislation and Programming Committee in relation to this matter. A lot of other investigation has been made by officers in various departments and a tremendous amount of co-operation has been received on all sides.
I am indeed happy to report to the House on behalf of my colleague and his Committee that at this point of time, the first day of the sittings of this session, we have ready for presentation 19 Bills of which 12 are outside the Budget and 7 are related to the Budget. In addition many other Bills, some associated with the Budget and others with other matters, will be ready for presentation to the House in a short time. This situation will assist the orderly conduct of the business of the House during the current sittings. As the Prime Minister has already announced, a terminal date will be determined after which time Bills may not be introduced. I assure the House that everything possible is being done to create in this Parliament a situation which will be the envy of most Parliaments.
page 9
– I preface my question to the Prime Minister by reminding him of the precedent set by the British Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1947 when he resigned voluntarily for prematurely dis closing Budget information. The Prime Minister will by now be aware that on 23rd July following a Cabinet meeting on the previous day there were reports in a number of Australian newspapers that his Government had decided to subsidise wool prices to 36c a lb. He will have noticed that this information was followed with a rally on the stock exchange in the share prices of pastoral companies which had been showing a consistent decline. What steps will the Prime Minister take to investigate the leaks in this case which provided fuel for stock exchange speculation?
– I am not prepared at this moment to say what is likely to be contained in the Budget but as a matter of sheer common sense I ask the honourable gentleman: Does he think that any members of the Cabinet would want to have this information made available prematurely, knowing that the great advantage to the Government and for the Government parties would be its effective presentation in the House at Budget time together with all the other measures that we are taking? I think there is pretty good reason for thinking that if there were any disclosure I do not admit for one moment that there was - it did not come from a Cabinet source.
page 9
– I ask the Minister for Trade and Industry: Is it a fact that meat imports to the United States of America are virtually under quota due to the existing legislation which can trigger off quotas if specified amounts of imports of meat are exceeded? If so, what action is being taken by the Government to ensure that as far as possible meat exports from Australia to the United States of America are not subjected to the 10 per cent surcharge imposed by the Government of the United States on imports?
– I think we are all very concerned about the announcement by President Nixon about putting a surcharge on imports into the United States of America. Fortunately for Australia, about 70 per cent of our exports to that country go there under some sort of quota arrangement, either a voluntary arrangement or a fixed quota. There is a voluntary arrangement for meat, but it could become a fixed quota arrangement should the trigger ..mechanism be brought into play. We do not have ali the information we would like about the 10 per cent surcharge on exports to the United States.
Specific reference has been made to meat. No surcharge will be imposed on meat. When I refer to meat I am referring to beef, veal, mutton and goat on which the voluntary restraints operate. Unfortunately, lamb and processed meats do not enter ‘ the United States under those arrangements. It is therefore expected that the 10 per cent surcharge, will apply to lamb and processed meats. The actual value of meat going to the United States under these arrangements which will not have the disability imposed upon it is about $2 15m. That is very fortunate for the meat industry.
page 10
– 1 address a further question to the Prime Minister. Does he recall bis predecessor announcing in ‘ reply to my question on 28th August 1968 that negotiations on Australian participation in overseas shipping were to be initiated by the former Minister for Trade and Industry? Does he recall that this announcement was anticipated by Mr Alan Reid in the Daily Telegraph’ of the same date7 Can he say from which Minister Mr Reid received exhaustive details of the decision on this matter’ taken by Cabinet only a’- day earlier? Does be feel that Mr Reid’s debt for this and other favours has now been paid in full?
– I .have no recollection of the honourable gentleman’s question in 1968 and I have no wish to remember it.
page 10
– The Minister for Defence will remember that last year I asked bis predecessor for a revision of the pay scale for senior Citizen Military Forces officers. I was given an assurance in October of last year that Ibis decision had been made. Can he tell me whether anything has taken place yet and, If not, when it will?
– Yes, the honourable gentleman is right. A decision was made in October of last year as a result of a recommendation from the defence committee dealing with pay and conditions of service. lt was announced that there would be an increase in pay for certain senior Citizen - Military Forces officers. Unfortunately there was considerable difficulty in getting these regulations drafted, I understand, because of great pressure upon the parliamentary draftsmen. That position has been rectified. The regulations, were promulgated towards the end of July and the amount of payment can now be made, lt will be made next Friday. It was stated at the time the announcement was made that payment would be retrospective. It will be retrospective to 1st July 1969.
page 10
– I ask the Prime Minister a question. When did the right honourable gentleman’ first learn that the ‘Sunday Australian’’ on 8th August .would contain an article by the then Minister for Defence refuting Mr Alan Reid’s account of Cabinet decisions during the Minister’s period as Prime Minister? What steps did the right honourable gentleman take to get in touch with the former Minister about the propriety of such a publication before the publication in fact took place?
– 1 was informed, 1 believe, at approximately 4.30 p.m. on the Saturday - that the publication would take place. A representative- of the ‘Sunday Australian’, who I believe was in Adelaide specifically for this purpose, offered to supply to me some of the details of the statement. [ read them. I took no action whatsoever as I knew that by- that time the article would be in print. But in any event I did not regard it as one of those occasions on which there’ could have been any intervention by me. It was obviously too late.
page 10
– My question is: addressed to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. In view of recent events bearingon Australia’s relations . with the People’s Republic of China, can the Minister say whether an opportunity will be provided during the current session for members to debate this matter?
-I am very much aware of the interest - of honourable mem-‘ bers in the subject of our relations with the People’s Republic of China and in the enormous gulf that exists between the
Government and the Opposition on this matter of policy. I hope to give an early opportunity to the House to debate this matter. If the Leader of the Opposition persists in his reluctance to bring on his censure motion, of which he has not informed the House but of which he has informed the Press, I hope to make a foreign affairs statement tomorrow and enable this House to debate matters of some importance.
page 11
– I ask the Prime Minister a question. When did he first become aware of the contents of the article written by the right honourable member for Higgins for the ‘Sunday Australian’ of 8th August? How soon did he come to the conclusion that the article breached the basic principles of Cabinet solidarity and unity? Is it a fact that he did not get in touch with his colleague, who was still his deputy, until the following Thursday? Why did he take so long to act in defence of the principle of Cabinet solidarity and unity?
– The first question 1 have already answered. The second one is my business, and I am not prepared under any circumstances to convey the information to anyone, including the honourable gentleman who has just asked the question.
page 11
– My question is addressed to the Minister for the Interior. In view of the concern being expressed by the Darwin City Corporation and notable residents in Darwin about the proposed Darwin central sewerage scheme and also in view of my own strong disquiet about the matter, will the Minister assure the House that adequate measures will be taken to prevent further pollution of the Darwin harbour? Will the Minister agree to a further reference to the Public Works Committee?
– There has been some misunderstanding about the proposed central sewerage scheme for Darwin. Firstly, I think the House must be aware that this scheme was considered at great length and recommended by the Public Works Committee after hearing evidence for and against the proposal. But since then there has been a considerable amount of criticism from the Darwin City Corporation and other groups and individuals in Darwin. I and my ministerial colleagues arranged for experts to go to Darwin and discuss with various officials in Darwin the principles relating to the proposal. The fears that have been expressed have not been allayed despite the fact that I have given the assurance that in the event that pollution should occur in the harbour I would take the proposal back to the Government for consideration.
I also wish to make this point clear: It is proposed to discharge the macerated sewage not into Darwin Harbour but at a point 8,000 feet feet out from East Point into a depth of 10 fathoms. But because of the continuing public concern I have arranged for the officers of the Departments of Works, Health and the Interior to confer and to bring to me a report on this and alternative but more costly proposals for treatment works. The honourable member for the Northern Territory has been concerned about this matter and has been in constant touch with me and I now inform him and other honourable members that I have no objection at all to the matter being referred back to the Public Works Committee under section 18 (6.) of the Public Works Committee Act if this is the wish of the House. mcmahon ministry
– I ask the Prime Minister a question. What statements or subjects in the first article in the ‘Sunday Australian’ by the right honourable member for Higgins does he assert breached the principle of Cabinet solidarity and unity?
– I have read all of the articles and 1 want to make it plain here beyond any doubt at all that I am not prepared to state publicly and I am not prepared to state to the Leader of the Opposition exactly which parts of the article I felt offended the rules that I mentioned. I have made a public statement on this matter and I have set out in that public statement the reasons for the action. I stand on that statement. I will make no further comments whatsoever about it.
NABARLEK URANIUM deposits
– My question is directed to the Minister for National Development. Following recent statements by
Queensland Mines Lid substantially downgrading its first estimates of uranium oxide in the Nabarlek deposit, can the Minister indicate the overall position now regarding the uranium deposits in the Northern Territory?
– I have noted in the Press that the Senate Select Committee on Securities and Exchange has indicated that it will be undertaking an investigation of certain matters relating to statements by the Chairman of Queensland Mines Ltd and therefore under those circumstances I would not like to deal in detail with that individual matter. However, I should like to make it clear that when figures are submitted to me by any outside organisation I will not accept them unless they are proven. This has applied always and I have stated that before in this House. Figures that have been given to rae by various organisations are in many cases estimates which have to be proven and I and my Department will accept figures only after the completion of drilling operations, when survey evidence can be produced to show that these statements are of proven fact. I say that because sometimes there is an inference that the figures which are quoted by some companies are confirmed by my Department and accepted as proven figures. This is not so. We must have direct survey evidence for any figures that we accept.
The second point which 1 think is of vital importance to Australia - I stand by my previous statement- - is that the uranium province in the Northern Territory is a significant one by world standards. There are more operations going on in that province area than those conducted by Queensland Mines Ltd. Perhaps it could be judged from some of the statements in the Press that the statement of Queensland Mines Ltd referred to the whole of the province. That is not so, and I should like te put the record right at this time. Queensland Mines Ltd still has an enormous amount of survey work to carry out in other areas. Of course, other companies such as Peko-Wallsend Ltd, E Z Industries Ltd, Noranda Australia Ltd and the Pan Continental organisation are operating and exploring in that region. In addition, the Bureau of Mineral Resources in my Department has carried out some work, in some cases in conjunction with those other operators. The Bureau has arrived at a figure that 1 accept. It has stated that it can substantiate the known quantity of uranium oxide, U308 or yellow coke - call it what you like - in the province of the Northern Territory as amounting to at least 100,000 tons. 1 quoted that figure only fairly recently in Japan. 1 would not like the international Press to pick up anything resulting from reports that have appeared following a statement by one company which would affect our credibility overseas in relation to the future development of this uranium province. Honourable members opposite are interjecting, but this is a most important matter because it relates to a vitally important industry for Australia. I am sure that the Opposition realises that. I conclude by saying that other opportunities exist in Australia for finding substantial deposits of uranium. Already in South Australia, there are indications from the exploration work that has taken place that further deposits will be established and will ultimately be proven. I can only repeat that in the future Australia will be a major world producerin the uranium field. The significance of that is obvious. mcmahon ministry
– i ask a question of the Prime Minister. Can he recollect any statement by either the first Minister tor Defence, whom he appointed, or the first Minister for Foreign Affairs, whom he appointed, which did not represent the policy of his Government? If he can recollect any such statement, will he identify it?
– It is obvious that the Opposition is attempting to concentrate on me to obtain from me some statement that it hopes to use in a censure motion. I gave the Opposition the opportunity to move a censure motion before the commencement of question time and the Opposition did not have the courage to do so. In other words, at a later stage honourable members opposite want to interrupt the business of the House to stop us carrying on with the constructive work that we have been doing. I would have thought that the Deputy Leader of the Opposition had far more common sense and savvy than to ask a question of this kind in the House.
page 13
– Has the attention of the Minister for Labour and National Service been drawn to a recent statement accusing trade unions of using 19th century methods to achieve reforms? Can the Minister inform the House of his opinion and whether he believes the statement to be correct?
– 1 rise to order. Is the honourable member in order in asking the Minister for an opinion?
-Order! The honourable member also asked whether the statement was correct.
- Mr Speaker, I can recall seeing in recent weeks a statement which would be consistent with that put forward in this House by the honourable member for Ballaarat and as I recall it the statement came directly from the honourable member for Riverina, who-
– Mr Speaker, I rise on a point of order. My point of order is this: As I understood the question, the honourable member for Ballaarat was asking for information as to what was involved in a statement which was made by, apparently, myself. If he wishes to have the information I will make it available, but under the forms of the House is it a proper question to direct to the Minister for Labour and National Service who is not, to my knowledge, the member for Riverina.
-Order! The honourable member for Riverina will not debate the question.
– This must be one of the few occasions in this House on which the honourable gentleman opposite wants to bask in anonymity. I can refresh-
– Say it again - he did not understand what you meant.
– The phrase that was used was ‘to bask in anonymity’. Of course, the honourable gentleman would not want to be reminded of the statement that he made and which in fact was consistent with other statements that have been made by the honourable member for Eden-Monaro and the honourable member for Robertson who in part or in whole have expressed concern at the increasing involvement in this country by trade unions in political matters. That is certainly a matter of concern to members on this side of the House and I am sure it is a matter of concern to the Australian community, because I believe that the community at large is sick and tired of the extent to which unions are becoming involved in what are essentially political issues.
In reply to the question posed by the honourable member for Ballaarat, I would say that there are very many good reasons why trade unions should not continue with the use of the strike weapon for political purposes. In the first place they seek to usurp the role and the function of democratically elected government. In the second place those tactics are divisive of the trade union movement in Australia. In the third place they constitute interference with the normal political persuasions of the particular unionists involved, many of whom have views quite inconsistent with those which are dictated to them by those who control their un;on affairs.
Finally, activities of this type damage the community generally and the cost is very high indeed. Mr Speaker, trade unions in this country are an accepted part of our democratic fabric and they have a major role to play over the whole of the industrial relations scene. But certainly it is time for trade unionists and trade unions at large to stand up on this issue and bring back to the trade union movement the image for which at one time it was distinguished.
Mcmahon ministry
– I ask the Prime Minister a question. Did the right honourable gentleman tell a number of journalists between the 27th and 30th of last month that the then Minister for Foreign Affairs, the honourable member for Wentworth, was about to be dismissed from the Cabinet because of his ill health?
– No, I did not.
– Well, then, did the right honourable gentleman at a dinner of his old school on Friday 30th July at which he was guest of honour - the Chief Justice of New South Wales and a couple of hundred other distinguished citizens were present - volunteer the statement that there was no truth in reports that the
Minister was to be dismissed? Did the right honourable gentleman, however, announce the dismissal of the Minister on Sunday 1st August?
- Mr Speaker, I hoped that on the resumption of this Parliament the Opposition, and particularly the Leader and the Deputy Leader of the Opposition, would realise that we wanted to avoid scavenging for information and trying to destroy people’s reputations. We hoped that in this, a Budget session-
– Why do you not give us the information?
– Order! The honourable member for Reid will cease interjecting.
– Let him go on; he cannot help it
– I am sorry, I will not let him go on.
– We hoped that the Budget session would be devoted to constructive measures for the development of this country and that a maximum contribution would be made to the quality of life, social services and health services. In my belief the people are sick and tired of personalities, and this shows just how undignified-
-Order! The House will come to order. There are one or two members in the far corner whom presently I will request individually to restrain themselves.
– As to the 2 questions asked by the honourable gentleman, the answer to the first is no, I did not make any such statement because I had no evidence on which I could make such a statement. The reply to the second question is that at the dinner which was given to me by my old school no such statement as that mentioned by the honourable gentleman was made. If he had wished, he could have come to the meeting at St Paul’s College. He did not come; he preferred to be in China rather than in Australia among his own people. The second question clearly illustrates that he will listen to anyone. Only recently 1 have read an article published by a former secretary nf his, Mr Wyndham, and if anyone wants to get a very good estimate of what a former friend and colleague of his thinks of him, I advise that person to read the article. One of the inferences to be drawn from it is that one does not take a great deal of notice of anything the Leader of the Opposition says.
page 14
– My question to the Minister for National Development relates to the River Murray salinity report. Will the Minister state what procedure is being taken to have the recommendations contained in the report implemented? As much of the work entailed will be in the Mallee electorate will the Minister visit that area in order to explain the project and hear at first hand suggestions from those most concerned?
– Some time ago the River Murray Commission undertook a survey and the report was finalised some months ago. As is known, the River Murray system is the most important river system in Australia and with the development of conservation schemes and increased irrigation it is essential that a complete study be made and a full understanding be had of the salinity problem. The report is extensive. 1 am sure that the honourable member has seen it. It would probably take him a few weeks to read. The report involves a tremendous amount of technical work, and additional study is required. At present the report is under study by the various governments concerned and by th.e River Murray Commission. ‘ Several discussions already have been held in relation to the report but at the moment I am unable to indicate when some final recommendations will be available for consideration by the 3 State governments and the Commonwealth Government. One point in relation to this matter is that the South Australian Government has already produced a document, part of which is based on the report. However, until the report is finally studied hy all the governments concerned and recommendations are made and considered hy the governments it will not be possible to indicate what action will be taken. This may be some months yet. In regard to the other point about visiting the particular area, 1 will see whether that can’ be done in the future, and certainly I will contact the honourable member regarding it.
page 15
– I wish to make a personal explanation, Mr Speaker.
– Does the honourable member claim to have been misrepresented?
– Yes, I was misrepresented on two occasions during question time by the Minister for Labour and National Service (Mr Lynch). In reply to the honourable member for Wentworth (Mr Bury), the Minister for Labour and National Service referred to me and to recent comments by me on industrial matters. He implied in the answer to that question that I had criticised the Barrier Industrial Council and labour-management relations in Broken Hill. I want to place on record that this was a serious misrepresentation. I have never at any time criticised the Barrier Industrial Council or labour-management relations in Broken Hill. In fact, I have made no public references to Broken Hill at all. Indeed, 1 have always regarded Broken Hill as an outstanding example of responsible industrial organisation, and I resent and reject the Minister’s attack on Broken Hill unionists and industries.
I was further misrepresented by the Minister for Labour and National Service in his reply to the honourable member for Ballaarat (Mr Erwin). In the second answer the Minister made a complete misinterpretation of my comments on trade union activism in political affairs. I did the exact opposite to what he claimed. I made a plea for trade unions and trade unionists to be more politically active, not less so. I suggested that they should become more interested in the politics of the nation and of the Parliament than they were in the 19th century, and I commend that to everyone in the nation, particularly at this time.
– I believe that the Barrier Industrial Council has been misrepresented.
-Order! Does the honourable member claim to have been misrepresented?
– Yes. As a past Secretary of the Barrier Industrial Council, firstly, I think that the Minister for Labour and National Service (Mr Lynch) misled the House when he spoke about the number of married women who are employed at Broken Hill.
-Order! The honourable member must show where he has been personally misrepresented; he cannot debate the question.
– I will obey the law. I will ask for an opportunity to speak tomorrow night in the adjournment debate.
– I wish to make a personal explanation. I have been misrepresented by the Minister for Labour and National Service (Mr Lynch). Far from objecting to trade unions taking an active part and an active interest in politics, I have always welcomed and encouraged this. I have made no statement different from that. The Minister’s statement is due to his temperamental failure to distinguish between violence and democratic processes.
page 15
– I move:
It is not technically a no confidence motion, but I take it that the Prime Minister will agree to the motion.
– Yes, I will. We agree to the suspension of Standing Orders-
– So that I can move this motion?
– Yes, we will agree to the suspension of Standing Orders now, providing it is explicitly understood that the Budget will come on at 8 o’clock; and, consequently, shortly before. 6 o’clock we will take action to ensure that the debate is terminated.
– I move, in accordance with the resolution of the House, that Standing Orders be suspended without qualification other than for my moving this motion.
– Just before you do (his I must put the question to the House. The question is:
That the suspension of Standing Orders be agreed to in order to allow the Leader of the Opposition to move his motion.
Question resolved in the affirmative.
page 16
– I move:
There are 2 preliminary things I want to say. The first is that this is not strictly a no confidence motion, nor in fact has the Prime Minister (Mr McMahon) accepted it as such, it would have been futile to move a no confidence motion because the many Ministers who have been displaced by the right honourable gentleman have all stated that they will not vote in favour of a no confidence motion. It will be noticed that the motion incorporates the sentiments of those honourable and right honourable gentlemen. Accordingly I would imagine it would be open to them to support this motion because it incorporates the matters upon which they have gone on record in all the mass media. 1 also point out thai I was entitled to move this motion to suspend Standing Orders at any time. 1 chose to do so after question time. I believe that not only honourable members but also the public and the media have had an exceptional opportunity of studying the form of the present Prime Minister where he knew that his answers could only be refuted by a Minister - a colleague - breaking his oath or his honourable understanding or where he knew that his answer could only be refuted by a journalist breaking the ethics of his profession. Then he spoke like a trouper. He was very prepared to deny any allegation. He knew that no honourable man could come forward and refute his answer.
Where, however, it was possible for people to know what was said he was very scrupulous in not giving a straight answer. It is true that he tried to conceal the issue on some occasions. For instance, he knew quite well that I was referring to a speech he made at the Old Sydneians dinner on ‘ 30th July. This was during the week when there were many rumours that the honourable member for Wentworth (Mr Bury), the former Foreign Minister, would be relieved of his post and yet the right honourable gentleman volunteered the statement that there was no truth in these rumours. There were 200 gentlemen at this dinner. They will know, . they will have their knowledge reinforced by today’s question time that the right honourable gentleman will say anything to suit his purposes, because he did state that there was no truth in these rumors. There are scores of men in this chamber who know that he was spreading that rumour before and that the rumour was correct. He deliberately tried to obscure the issue by referring to a dinner a week before - 23rd July - a dinner of the old university college which he, and I somewhat later, attended. That was before the execution had been determined for the Foreign Minister, lt was before there were any rumours on the subject at all.
Furthermore, he then imported an expression of opinion apparently expressed by a gentleman whom he said I had had as my secretary. I never had the particular gentleman as my secretary He is an employee of one Maxwell Newton, and for this purpose I will quote what Mr Maxwell Newton said under his signature in the Canberra ‘Sunday Post’ of 2 days ago He said: lt mus: have taken a . tremendous personal effort for Billy- referring to the right honourable gentleman - to screw himself up to suck Gorton. In the past Billy has always got other people - -myself Alan Reid, Sir Frank Packer. Warwick Fairfax and many others - to stab his enemies for him while Billy waited in the background until the crisis which others precipitated came to a solution.
Now, Sir. the important thing that faces this country and which can be resolved by members of this chamber is that this country has been held up to ridicule by the actions of the right honourable gentleman in the 5 months that he has held the top post in this country.
The events of last March were still a matter of sufficient wonder, perplexity and amusement in the whole of our region when J traversed it a few weeks ago, bur what is the position now? Last Friday the London ‘Times’ published an article on the events in the McMahon Administration. We have this extraordinary situation where the Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party, the third man in the governmental heirarchy, the Minister for Defence, the previous Prime Minister, a man who was better known than his colleagues in our region, has been summarily dismissed although the article which he was writing, asserted to be in breach of Cabinet solidarity and unity, was in the Prime Minister’s hands at 4.30 the afternoon before it was made available to the public. It was not appropriate to speak to the right honourable gentleman. Of course, like everybody the Prime Minister was able to see it fresh on the Sunday but he did not move till the Thursday. He stood back while a public scandal and hue and cry were aroused against his Deputy and’ throughout that time - through all those days; Saturday, Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday - they were at arm’s length. A man who is ever ready to resort to the telephone did not use that magic instrument for 6 days to speak to his deputy.
Then the other victim - less conspicuous but nevertheless chosen by the ‘ right honourable gentleman- nol chosen as a Minister because he was the Deputy Leader of his Party and therefore had to be in the Ministry but chosen b> him as Foreign Minister, his own selection - was dismissed in this humiliating way. As far as Australia is concerned overseas can there be more striking examples of how we must stand? In the course of these few months the Minister for Defence and the Minister for’ Foreign Affairs have both been dismissed.
On the second last day that this Parliament sal in the previous sessional period the right honourable gentleman similarly faced a motion criticising him, a motion of no confidence. After one of the longest winter recesses in the history of the Parliament he yet again is under censure. No Prime Minister in the history of federation has had this experience. Both these motions - the motion of 5th May and this one - have this in common: They spring directly from the conduct of the Prime Minister. Of course, the “rime Minister will say these matters are matters of personality. The fact is that when he was given by my Deputy tlie opportunity to deny that there had been any breaches of policy by the right honourable member for
Higgins (Mr Gorton) and the Honourable member for Wentworth in their posts of Defence and Foreign Affairs he just slid away from the question. He does not suggest that the Ministers who were dismissed were dismissed because they had at any time misstated the policy of his government. He just does not like them. It is a matter of personality that they were sacked. It is worth recalling the words of my no confidence motion moved last May:
The Prime Minister lacks the confidence of this House in that he has broken undertakings to keep the public informed of what the Government is doing and has been responsible for suppressing debate in the House on what the Government is doing.
The House will recall that the whole tenor of the debate which then ensued was about the question of the trust that could be put in the Prime Minister and the undertaking he gives, and basically this present debate must be about that same question, the question whether one can trust this Prime Minister. 1 wish to put to the House 2’ propositions. This is a Prime Minister who has not the trust of his own Party and who has not and cannot have the trust of this House. It was an exquisite experience to watch the former Ministers - Ministers whom he has dismissed - looking at him when he gave his answers this afternoon and to see the intensity, to use as neutral a term as one can properly use on this occasion, that they showed as they listened to his replies.
– lt is so hard to hear from this far away.
– I will concede that the right honourable gentleman’s expression, indicated incomprehension. Consequent to these 2 propositions and more important than either of them is a third proposi tion - that he has not and cannot have the trust of this nation and is totally unfit to be the leader of this nation. I do not expect honourable members opposite to accept my opinions on these matters. Today they have, for the first time for 7 years, amongst them on their back bench - a back bench which, if I may say so, is the most remarkable and distinguished that this Parliament has seen - one whose words they may think merit deep consideration. It is true that I can quote from newspapers, radio and television the comments by the right honourable member for Higgins, the honourable member for Berowra (Mr Hughes) and the honourable member for Moreton (Mr Killen) but I will content myself with the usually non-polemic comments of the honourable member for Went worth (Mr Bury) who said on 11th August that as far as the Liberal Party as a whole goes:
I think the real difficulty of the Liberal Party at the moment is to produce an acceptable, satis factory leader. One who carries general conviction and is trusted by the majority of the Party. The honourable member for Wentworth had special reasons for making this statement. Those of us who know him know very well that he is almost the last man in this House who would walk out of a post, who would talk out of turn or out of spleen or out of a sense of vindictiveness but he does know, as we all know, 2 facts about his dismissal as Minister for Foreign Affairs. The first is that for several days before his dismissal the Prime Minister was trying to condition the Press - not just the journalists upstairs but their proprietors and editors in Sydney and Melbourne - to the view that the honourable member for Wentworth was a sick man and consequently unable adequately to fulfil his duties. The former Minister went out of his way to deny this allegation. It gives me great pleasure to say that I have never seen him looking so hale; nor have I read comments in which he has shown so much spirit. The second matter of which he is aware, because he represents a great number who were there, is the statement that the Prime Minister made at his old boys’ dinner about him. His dismissal was only the overture; it was the prelude to what was to happen in the ensuing fortnight.
Everyone now knows the full significance of the article which appeared in the ‘Daily Telegraph’ on Monday, 2nd August and which read:
Further changes in coming months are expected to affect the Defence Minister, Mr Gorton . . . His removal to London - . . would clear the way for the re-entry into Cabinet of Mr Malcolm Fraser whose reinstatement could be difficult while Mr Gorton remains in the Ministry.
Few of us are now in any doubt about the relationship between the Prime Minister and the ‘Daily Telegraph*. There is no doubt in my mind that this was an inspired story - inspired by the Prime Minister. The right honourable member for Higgins - the right honourable John Grey Gorton, Companion of Honour, Privy Councillor, former Minister for the Navy, former Minister for Education and Science, former Prime Minister, former Minister for Defence, former Leader of the Liberal Party, former Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party - should have seen the portent and should have recognised the ominous sign. What we now know is that the Prime Minister and the organisation which contributed so largely to his being Prime Minister had given the ultimate thumbs down sign. It was only a matter of time and opportunity. The right honourable member for Higgins himself provided the opportunity. He did the unconscionable thing. He did what every politician in England, the United States and Australia has an acknowledged right to do. He wrote an article, or in this case undertook to write a series of articles in his own name and in his case in his own defence. It is absurd and monstrous to suggest that this in itself was in some way a breach of ethics. It has even been put around by the Prime Minister’s agents that there was some special impropriety in the case of the right honourable member for Higgins because he accepted some payment for his articles. It is in fact the most common practice in the world and I myself have adopted it from time to time and will continue to do so on every suitable occasion. As the right honourable member for Higgins has pointed out, Deakin himself - a name not to be mentioned in this House without summoning up the ideas of integrity and propriety - was writing articles throughout the whole of his political career, including the years of his great prime ministership.
The Prime Minister himself wrote an article only a few months ago which appeared in the Melbourne ‘Sun’, in defence of apartheid and racially selected sporting tours. I assume that he was paid as I was by that organisation for an article in the contrary sense. So let us have none of this hyprocrisy that there was something improper in the action of the right honourable member for Higgins in writing his articles. The key to the whole matter is not what was in the first article but the reaction of the Prime Minister to it. He did nothing on the whole of the late afternoon and the night before the article appeared in the newspaper. He did nothing between that Sunday and the following Thursday. He was spending the time with his great friend, Mr Eric Robinson, President of the Queensland Branch of the Liberal Party, on the Isle of Capri at Surfers Paradise. There are 100 businessmen and journalists around Australia who could give evidence that they received calls from the Prime Minister at that time. Some were asked for advice;, some were asked for help. The advice sought was how to get rid of John Gorton. The help sought was how to pour a bucket on him; There are around this country dozens of men- great Liberal supporters - who have been appalled by the spectacle of a man in this top position so demeaning himself and his position-. They are the men who will not be contributing to the Liberal Party funds for the next election, whenever it comes. But he. was determined,- like other Little- Caesars, to destroy the right honourable member for Higgins and he sat there on the Isle of Capri plotting his destruction - Tiberius with a telephone.
But on Monday 9th August, a firm clear political event occurred. Sir Frank Packer agreed to be interviewed by the Australian Broadcasting Commission. At any time this would have been one of the most extraordinary coups in Australian journalism - the avowed enemy of the ABC agreeing to appear on the very sort of programme to whose destruction ‘ his organisation is most committed. The programme was ‘P.M.’, the radio version of This Day Tonight’. On that programme Sir Frank Packer was asked:
There has been a suggestion that it isn’t quite the correct thing for Mr Gorton, who ls still in the Cabinet, to be discussing contemporary political issues like he ls.
Sir Frank Packer replied: r quite agree that be shouldn’t be doing that and
I think he is’ a great embarrassment to Mr McMahon in the Cabinet.
Sir Frank Packer further said:
I hove no doubt there is squabbling in the Cabinet and in my view Mr McMahon ought to get rid of Mr Gorton out of the Cabinet - not because of his ability but because of their, inability to gel along.
Sir Frank Packer was asked:
What do you think he should do with him?
He replied:
Oh well - retire him to the back benches. -
In the words of the right honourable member for Higgins the Prime Minister was given his riding instructions and again in the words of the former Prime Minister from the horse’s mouth*. Of course the Prime Minister would assert that Sir Frank Packer’s advice and his own decision were wholly coincidental. There is not one honourable member in this House who would believe it. All of us here know very well, and the public outside is becoming increasingly aware of, the sinister relationship between the Prime Minister and Sir Frank Packer. We have the evidence that Consolidated Press itself gave ostensibly in its own defence only last Sunday in a full page apologia headed The Telegraph and Mr Gorton’, sub-headed ‘Setting the Record Straight’ in the following words:
Australian Consolidated Press gave Mr Gorton consistent support throughout his prime minis,tership. The company’s papers supported Mr Goc- - ton at the time of the leadership struggle after the death of Mr Holt. At this time Sir Frank Packer was abroad, but was kept in touch with affairs over the telephone by his Editor-in-Chief, Mr D. McNicoll. Sir Frank was informed by Mr McNicoll that there seemed little likelihood of Mr. McMahon’s being elected leader and that Mr Gorton was favourably regarded. Sir Frank asked Mr McNicoll to speak to Mr Gorton and inquire whether, if he became leader, he would retain Mr McMahon in the Treasury. Mr McNicoll had a private conversation with Mr Gorton at the home’ of Mr W. C. Wentworth and explained the situation to ohn. Mr Gorton said that he admired Mr. McMahon’s ability and capacity for hard work, and that if he (Mr Gorton) got the leadership there was no reason to think he would not do what he could to put Mr McMahon in the ‘ Treasury. Mr McNicoll reported this to Sir Frank Packer in Acapulco The Telegraph organisation then gave strong support to Mr Gorton for tha’ leadership.
What this statement asserts, of course, is that Consolidated Press nominated its candidate for the Treasurership of the Commonwealth of Australia. (Extension of time granted) One could hardly have a more frightening example of outside influence - influence not just inferred, not just implied, not just suspected, but influence real; ostensible, actual, blatant, at the highest level of affairs. The agent of a newspaper proprietor nominated who would be Treasurer of this country.
Sir Frank Packer has justified himself by saying that he admires the present Prime Minister. I am sure he does. What he has not said and what perhaps explains a great deal about his sponsorship, protection and promotion of the Prime Minister is the long association in business and politics which the 2 gentlemen have had. It has been a relationship which has extended over nearly 40 years. I do not condemn it. I think one must pay tribute to the mutual loyalty and fidelity which these gentlemen have shown to each other. It has been a long and fruitful association. In 1932 Frank Packer still had his way to make, even though he was the vigorous son of a forceful father, and in that year he formed a company - “his first company. He called it Sydney Newspapers Pty Ltd’. It was incorporated on 8th November 1932. It is a moving experience to read in the original copy of the memorandum and articles of association listing the people ‘who are desirous of being formed into a company*, that amongst the names of investors who paid their pound is one William McMahon, student, University of Sydney, and a lady’s name, presumably that of a relative. It was that company which helped to lay the foundations of the present Packer empire.
Those who have a sense of history and symmetry may find .some satisfaction in knowing that that company formed so long ago - nearly 40 years ago- still survives and, since 3rd March 1955, has been registered in the Australian Capital Territory. If one looks up the phone book one can see that the name of that company, to which William McMahon, student, so long ago paid his simple pound as an original shareholder, is now listed with the most prestigious address - Parliament House. Its resident manager is listed as: Mr Alan Reid, 7 Hunter Street, Yarralumla.
There are very great and pressing reasons why we must have an election now. The honourable member for Wentworth has already spoken about the untrustworthiness of the Prime Minister as Leader of the Liberal Party. There will undoubtedly be various reasons given why we cannot have an election now. Let me state forthwith that Supply has been voted until the end of November. We can very readily, if we wish, this week enact any improvements in social services or any grants of rural relief, and there does not then have to be another election until June 1974 when elections for the 2 Houses could be synchronised and when, as my
Party certainly would do, the people could be asked at a referendum to see that all future elections were synchronised.
But the really serious thing for us as a nation is that the Prime Minister is untrustworthy as the leader of this nation. On 1 1th July the Prime Minister said:
China has served the Liberal Party well and will continue to serve it well.
One could hardly conceive a more wicked, irresponsible, outrageous statement, than that the relations of this country with a nation comprising a quarter of the world’s population should be seen simply and solely in terms of the domestic advantage of the Liberal Party. This is a recipe for national disaster. It highlights and epitomises the real evil of the continuance of the present Government under its present leadership. The Liberal Party is not an evil party. It is a great party. It is part of the great democratic framework and structure of this nation. British democracy depends on the 2-party system, and the . 2 parties, which must be healthy if we are to have parliamentary democracy in this country, are the Labor Party and the Liberal Party. The health of the Liberal Party and its survival as the representative of the great, real and legitimate conservative forces in our country is essential for the survival of parliamentary democracy in this country. I want to see the Liberal Party survive. It is the legitimate representative of valuable conservatism just as much as we are the legitimate representative of progress and change. But what appals me and what 1 assure this House will, if not challenged, destroy the Liberal Party as assuredly as it will damage parliamentary democracy is the vested interest that this Government under its present Leader believes it has in things bad and evil for this country. Up to the events of a fortnight ago everyone knew that the present Prime Minister wanted an early election. He was pressing for it. He particularly wanted that election to take place round about November - in, as he said, the second week of November which he thought would be about the time of the first test match between Australia and South Africa. He was thinking of an election in the framework of great violence, bitterness and disruption in our community. He wanted these things to occur. He wanted a very evil thing to happen in our nation, to our people, to the social fabric of our country. He wants it. He is pressing for it.
Until a week ago he- was pressuring Sir Donald Bradman, in whose hands the decision lies because the Australian Cricket Board of Control is evenly divided on the matter, to have this test, not in the interests of cricket, clearly against the interests of Australia, clearly against the sense of unity and good will that we have in Australia, but in the interests, as he sees them, of the Liberal Party. 1 hope that the Liberal Party is greater than this. I cannot believe that the Liberal Party - Sir Robert Menzies’ Liberal Party” - would have a bar of deliberately dividing this country in this way, on this issue. Yet this is what this Prime Minister is planning to do. He has a vested interest in industrial disruption, with all its loss economically and socially and indeed spiritually in this country. Yet he courts it. He wants it.
We have reached this incredible stage where a government has a vested interest in the bad that can happen in a. country aud has actively and openly encouraged the bad to happen. There is no future for such a government. There is no future for a nation governed by such a government. There are men on the other side who know very well and who feel very deeply the truth of what 1 am now saying. An extraordinary chain of events put the present right honourable gentleman into office as Prime Minister. It was a dreadful mistake. It was a mistake imperilling this nation. To recover the consequences of that mistake would not destroy the great Liberal Party. If we must take a partisan point of view, I find the words of the honourable member for Wentworth unexceptional.
I am sure that if the Opposition were in power for a short while there would be a terrific reaction. As it got to work and applied its policies there would be a teriffic reaction against it which would have the effect of building up the then Opposition. Opposition really works best when there is something people really feel violently about and really feel they must oppose. This would certainly have a tonic effect on the people who support our viewpoint but are not so keen on us from a personal angle. (Extension of time granted)
That is the attitude expressed in the mass media by the honourable member for
Wentworth, an honourable gentleman who has been a Minister for 10 years. But so have they all been Ministers of great experience. The former Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party, the former Minister for Defence, the former Prime Minister, has held office continuously for nearly 13 years in this country. The other Ministers whom the present Prime Minister has dismissed are men of considerable skill, as anybody in this chamber would acknowledge and as anybody knowing the courts would also acknowledge. What these men have said in public is the view of increasing numbers of Liberal supporters in this country. They know quite well that under this Prime Minister their Party as well as this country is going from bad to worse, and they realise that the only way to sweep out the men of the past, to sweep out the ideas of the past, is for them to go into opposition.
I put it that there are men in this chamber on the Government side who realise that to have an election now. for the Opposition to become the Government and for the Liberal Party to go into opposition, is the best chance of having a proper cohesive government in this country. I put it to them that if they vote for this motion they will not destroy the Liberal Party but rather they will give it a lease of life. I want it to have a new lease of life because 1 recognise the significance to our community and our nation of the other partner in our 2-party system of government. 1 beg them to save the Liberal Party, but further and more important is the fact that this country cannot do well if we continue upon our present course. We cannot continue with a Government which desires disaster. I ask honourable members opposite to consider this: If you vote for this motion, I most firmly believe that you will help to save not only the Liberal Party but also Australia.
-Is the motion seconded?
– 1 second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
– On another occasion I described the Leader of the Opposition (Mr Whitlam) as an extraordinarily feline person. I have no wish to change my views after today. 1 have every intention of trying to deal with the facts, and I want to mention the constructive actions that have been taken by this Government, whether it has been Jed by the right honourable member for Higgins (Mr Gorton) or by myself. I want to mention what we are doing to ensure the greatness of this country. I have no intention to degenerate into personalities in the way that the Leader of the Opposition, this feline person, has done.
Let me mention one or two facts. Not one of the statements that the honourable gentleman made about me is true in substance. Let me deal first of all with the question of my association with Sir Frank Packer over 40 years. It is true that on 8th November 1932 or somewhere about that time I did sign the memorandum and articles of association of his company. I was then an articled clerk in Allen, Allen and Hemsley. I had never met Frank Packer; I had never met his associates. I did not know who he was. The men to whom I was clerking. Sir Norman Cowper and Mr Arthur Hemsley, asked me to sign the document. Of course I signed it. Any person with a knowledge of law and a knowledge of the way companies are formed would have done exactly as I did.
Secondly, the Leader of the Opposition referred to the statement relating to the so called payment for the articles that had been written by the right honourable member for Higgins. I did not ask the right honourable member whether he was being paid. For a fact, I did not think he was. But I see no reason in the world why I should ask him, particularly after I had read the article. It was no business of mine. If people want to ask him, he can be asked and I am sure he will give the kind of answer that he feels appropriate to be given.
The honourable gentleman also referred to the fact that in some article in the Daily Telegraph’ there was a forecast of some further action to be taken. I will give the author of that article complete liberty to state positively, without any recrimination from me, whether he had discussed this matter with me or had let me know that the article was to be written. No member of the ‘Daily Telegraph’ contacted me prior to the publication of the article, and in fact I had not talked to Mr Alan
Reid for at least 3 weeks prior to that, and I have not spoken to him since his return from Fiji. This is the kind of rumour and nastiness that are inherent in the mind of the honourable gentleman. I intend for the rest to ignore them completely and to get on with the job of governing this country and doing the best we can to contribute to its greatness.
The Leader of the Opposition referred to the fact that during the last session he also moved a censure motion on me. He has lost no time for a second one although we wanted to give him more time for his censure motion. I repeat that he is not only showing his inherent nastiness but is also attempting to obstruct the business of this House and is trying to prevent us from getting on with the constructive work of government. This is the device of a man and a party with nothing to offer and a great deal to be ashamed of. When the Minister for Foreign Affairs (Mr N. H. Bowen) brings forward his paper on foreign affairs, I for one will participate in the debate, and I believe that I will be able to show not only that the Leader of the Opposition is dangerous to the security of this country but that wherever he went on his recent overseas trip he created an impression which was bad for Australia and which brought him into ridicule. I believe that in every country he visited be left a most unfavourable, even bad, impression.
– I raise a point of order. The Prime Minister has just referred to the Leader of the Opposition being a danger to this country. This is impugning the character and the responsibility of the Leader of the Opposition and I ask the Prime Minister to withdraw the remark.
-Order! I do not think that the Prime Minister at any stage impugned the personal character of the Leader of the Opposition. I think the honourable member is perhaps confused as to the substance of the Prime Minister’s remarks about security.
– Mr Speaker, with . all due respect to your ruling, if the Prime Minister has referred to the Leader of the Opposition as being a security risk, this is certainly in my view a reflection on the character of the Leader of the Opposition and i ask the Prime Minister to withdraw the remark.
– Order! Of course 1 have not a verbatim note of what the Prime Minister said,, but from listening to him 1 do not think that he said that the Leader of the Opposition was a security risk.
– This is the device of a man and a party with nothing to offer and a great deal to be ashamed of. It is the attitude of a party that has been conditioned by 22 years on the Opposition benches to think only destructively. “Obviously it has no mind for constructive contributions to the work of Parliament and it has no stomach, as I said before, for facts, lt prefers to perform by innuendo, suspicion and false statement. Let this be known: We in the Liberal-Country Party Government want to get on with the real business of government. We believe that Australia is a country with a tremendous future. We know that the people are sound at heart and we know that they are sensible, lt is our task to represent them here in this Parliament, and we mast not be diverted from that task by tawdry personal issues raised by the Opposition. We must take initiatives in nation building on their behalf. We are doing that and we will continue to do it.
The Leader of the Opposition is upset because I have made some ministerial changes. . What has this to do with him? This is the business of the Government, and we do not want him interfering with what are exclusively our affairs. He has plenty to do trying to get his own Party into shape - and, if I can go a stage further, in coming to terms with the President of the Australian Council of Trade Unions, who keeps rocking the boatwith his excursions into what should be the Labor Parly’s exclusive preserves. It has been said - and I repeat this againthai I am influenced by the Press. I have been in Parliament a long time. I have held a great number of portfolios - more. I . think, than any other person in the House. 1 make up my own mind what I personally should do in the interests of the nation, not in the interests of anyone else. Of course. I listen to advice from my colleagues in the Ministry, in the Cabinet and in my Party. I have consultations with industry. 1 meet the Press and I meet th, people. But of this honourable members may be sure: I have never taken and will never take any action designed to please the Press people. I suppose that I have had more quarrels with them than has any other person in this House. Of course, on many occasions they have been in praise of me. If we look over the long term. I think the criticism has been pretty strong too. But who in this .House has not gone through exactly the same experiences?
The second point that is referred to by the Leader of the Opposition is that nf leadership. I and my former colleague know - we are probably the only 2 in this House who do know - that it carries very great responsibilities. But 1 want to ask’ this question: What leadership does the honourable member for Werriwa give to his Party today? This is the man who incited young men inducted for national service ro refuse to serve in Vietnam when it was their duty to do so. This is the man who approved the attempt by some unions to interfere with the legitimate trade of this country. This is the man who gave tacit support to the left wing unions and the professional dissenters during the recent rugby tour. This is the man who went tq China to play party politics with wheat and finished up by being a total advocate for the policy of a foreign power - the greatest Communist power in Asia.
The Budget that the Treasurer (Mr Snedden) will bring down tonight involves a motion of real substance. The motion before the House this afternoon has none. The Budget presents fiscal policy and an explanation of monetary policy for Australia for the whole of 1971-72. It is therefore a paramount importance and should be treated accordingly, lt is right, 1 know, for the Leader of the Opposition to talk about unity arid good government. We talk about it. But we talk about it because we know what it means and we know the contribution we will be able to make. They are. 1 believe, the qualities that a well ordered country needs and that, I believe, Australia is getting in full measure from the Liberal-Country Part)’ Government.
Let me remind honourable members of the performance of- my Government in recent months, lt has been here just on 5 months and in that time it has brought down a solid list of domestic legislation. It has broken completely new ground in foreign affairs. It has tackled a range of problems, not of its own making, including inflation and the fall in the price of wool, which are pressing heavily on the country today. 1 believe that they will be dealt with effectively, providing we can have continuity and steadiness in government. I believe, too, that it is of importance to make the federal system of government work effectively. That great spirit of free enterprise which has served Australia so well through all its history should not be stifled by controls and directions from Canberra.
I have said that we believe in cooperation as the basis for unity. In 5 months we have established, I believe, a new relationship with the States. What we did, in addition, was to give them a general growth tax. We gave them payroll tax which was designed to stop them from coming to Canberra cap in hand and begging us to give them increasing access to funds. I emphasise that what we have done all this while is to continue the development of this country and we have also - this will be reflected in the Budget tonight - developed policies which are directed at reducing inflationary pressures because inflation is one of our greatest problems. Success here is the basis on which we can successfully plan for the future.
We must contain and, I believe, we must reverse the serious escalation of costs and prices. We have begun investigations as to how arbitration procedures might be improved. We have done this to give greater emphasis in wage decisions to the economic consequences of the Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Commission’s awards. We have also investigated what broader measures we might take to bring about the needed restraints in wage increases and in wage costs. We have come to grips with the crisis in some of our rural industries, particularly in the case of wool. Already, we have adopted reconstruction and special aid policies in order to assist them. We have reduced the migrant intake to contain costs and to allow a greater concentration on personal quality. We have passed legislation controlling resale price maintenance and we are reviewing the Trade Practices Act so that we can strengthen it and encourage much more vigorous competition.
On the advice of the Tariff Board the Government also has accepted the need for a systematic review of tariffs and this is proceeding. My Government has also reviewed important aspects of social welfare. We have done so because we consider it a prime duty to do more for the needy and the neglected. We want to clean out the pockets of poverty wherever they appear. The effective development of an adequate social welfare system, to which I have pledged my Government, depends heavily on a good working arrangement between the Commonwealth and the States. That is another reason why our new understanding with the States is so important.
In March we gave pensioners a supplementary increase. We did so because we thought social justice demanded a rise to offset the sharp increase in living costs which was causing unexpected hardship. We also secured a satisfactory arrangement with the Australian Medical Association about fees to make the revised medical benefits scheme operate effectively, and we overhauled hospital insurance benefits to give a more extensive cover to fund members. So many of these activities bear on the quality of life which must be of increasing concern to everyone in Australia. We are, after all, searching for a quality of life which will be better than the one that we have today. This is the end objective of all our efforts, because the quality of life is just about everything that belongs to and relates to man. It is his place in the environment - the good he does, how he lives with his neighbours and the measures of his contentment - but at the same time we must preserve our freedoms and our civil liberties. (Extension of time granted) We must tackle the congestion and pollution of our cities. Now, having said that, I turn briefly to our record in foreign affairs. The Minister for Foreign Affairs will deal with the subject in detail later - I hope tomorrow but at the latest on Thursday.
– Mr Speaker, I take a point of order. My point of order is that this is all very interesting, but what does it have to do with the motion?
-Order! There is no substance in the point of order.
– What does the socalled censure motion have to do with the House? As I said, the Foreign Minister will deal with the subject later. In the past 5 months we have made considerable progress with the prospect of getting our troops home from Vietnam as the operation there winds down. You will recall, Sir, that 1 announced further withdrawals at the end of March. I will state the Government’s policy in the House this week. We have completed new appraisals of our relations with Japan, Russia and China. These appraisals took place over a year or more but they have brought us to new decisions in respect of all 3 countries in the last few months. 1 will not repeat them now. They speak well for our future in the international community.
Our aid programmes particularly in the Asian and the Pacific region continue at a high level. We have also made progress with the 5-power defence arrangements for Malaysia-Singapore and we have become a member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. What contribution has the Opposition made to national progress? Absolutely none. Indeed, by its actions and its abstentions it has aggravated the problems of the day. The Labor Party has encouraged a contempt for law and order and the rights of individual citizens. A clear example can be seen on the industrial scene and the increase in political strikes. We have had a rash of industrial strikes and stoppages which last year cost the work force nearly S31m in wages. The loss to the nation in output and the consequent effect on prices is enormous. We must not forget that the number of man days lost by individual disputes has gone up 2i times in the last 3 years. Now, I want the House to answer this question: What has the Leader of the Opposition done about this? The answer is positive - nothing at all. In all of this he has been silent, and by his silence he has given consent. He has stood by helplessly while his authority has been eroded and his bailiwick invaded by Mr Bob Hawke, the President of the Australian Council of Trade Unions, another leader who is causing responsible people in the trade union movement a great deal of activity. Another question 1 want to pose is this: Who is really speaking for Labor? It is not a question of who runs the country; it is a question of who runs the Labor Party.
– Ask Frank Packer.
– He would give the same answer on this occasion because he cannot decide, as no-one else can decide, who is running the trade union movement. I want to say more about the Leader of the Opposition, but I think it best to leave to the judgment of the House what it thinks about his censure motion, and him. 1 believe that answer will be given before 6 o’clock tonight.
Let me return to the overseas visit by the Leader of the Opposition. He went on a disastrous - I use the word deliberately - visit to Peking after he had given his tacit support to protests against the South African football tour. In China he conceded every single point the Chinese made to him, and he did so in public. This was a disservice to Australia without any precedent. His performance is written into the record for all to read and for history to see. More will be said about China in the foreign affairs debate this session, but let me say just this: I believe his visit compromised discussions which the Australian Wheat Board was just about to begin with the Chinese when he announced his intention to go to China. I believe he compromised the first moves we were making through diplomatic channels to open up a dialogue with China. As a result of some cocktail gossip with a foreign representative in China, he caused more havoc than any man could have caused either in Australia or in any other part of the world. I believe it is the first time in Australia’s history that a Leader of the Opposition has been the total advocate for another country’s cause. I believe it is also the first time that any Australian political leader has presumed to tell other countries how they should run their business, and he did so publicly. He discredited the President of the United States of America by telling him he would be kicked out. He told Japan that it should cancel its treaties. Later when I have an opportunity to speak in the foreign affairs debate I will disclose more of his tactics and more of the mischief he has caused.
I have visited every State in Australia - some several times - in the last few months. I have seen great progress in national development wherever I have been. As I went around I became aware that many people are deeply troubled by some of . the’ trends developing in Australia today. They are concerned with the increase in industrial disputes and lawlessness. They are concerned about the issue 01 law and order. They want to retain their right to dissent, but they do nol want their civil liberties interfered with by mass protests or professionally promoted demonstrations. They do not want their right of choice within the law interfered with. They expect their parliamentarians to take note oi these issues and to give them a lead. This, I believe, my Government is doing and is doing with strength.
May [ now return to the principles relating 10 constitutional law and practice? So much doubt has been cast these days on the Cabinet system that I felt it would be appropriate for me to make some statement about it. Of course, it is the Opposition’s policy to cheapen and denigrate Cabinet. But 1 have another attitude altogether, and a far belter one. I affirm my faith In the principle of Cabinet government. It is central to my own Administration. lt is the ‘ practice which best suits the executive in our democratic parliamentary system. It must work effectively, whether as a Cabinet, as a ministry or through the system of committees which has recently been reconstructed, it parliamentary democracy is to be sustained. My concern as Prime Minister relates to policy. Cabinet is the proper instrument for the development of that policy. A change in party leadership and Ministers does not invalidate the Government’s authority, lt has noi done so in the past and it does not do so now. It is the coalition Government of the Liberal Party and the Country Party which the people put back into office less than 2 years ago. (Extension of time granted) It is the coalition Government thai I lead, and its authority continues in forcelt has operated and will continue to operate with due respect to law and with due respect to process in the area of the Cabinet system, in the relationship with the Slate* and with the electorate.
I can understand the disappointment of the Opposition that a change in leadership, and the other changes that have been made, have not brought about some reduction in our capacity to govern, our intention to govern or our right to’ govern. The motion that is before the House is, I believe, a product of that disappointment. A similar motion was moved in vain in March when I took over- as Prime Minister. I repeat that today’s motion will be in vain. I am perfectly confident that the people of Australia understand what I am saying. They understand, firstly, that they gave us authority to govern and that we still have that authority. They understand, secondly, that we are thoroughly capable to exercise that authority to their satisfaction. They understand.’ thirdly, that it would he folly to transfer this authority to another party unqualified and totally unable to discharge it effectively. 1 suspect they understand that the whole of today’s exercise by the Opposition is nothing else but humbug.
I must remind the House that we are known abroad in the great majority of countries. Despite what the Leader of the Opposition said, we have given this country great national responsibility and stable and progressive administration over a period now running into 22 years, close to a quarter of a century. This is known and respected overseas, as it is here. This administration is nol upset by changes in leadership, by ministerial re-arrangemcnts or by any statements the Leader of ihe Opposition might make. 1 want to state to you positively. Sir, that you will see evidence of unity in this Government. You will find that the Liberal Party which T lead, with the Country Party standing behind us. will give to this country the kind of government that it needs and which will take it to a very much higher destiny than we know at the moment or thai the Labor Party could ever think was realistically possible.
– Had the Prime Minister (Mr McMahon) been speak ing. to a Budget debate one could have understood the tenor of his speech, but the Prime Minister completely ignored the motion moved by the Leader of the Opposition (Mr Whitlam). Therefore, one should take the opportunity to repeal the motion to remind the Prime Minister and honourable members on the Government side of the House what it involves. The motion was in these terms:
That, in the opinion of this House, the Prime Minister’s methods and motives in removing his Ministers and his subservience to outside influence have destroyed trust in his Government at home and abroad.
The Prime Minister made no attempt to answer the charge that he had removed from office a former Prime Minister and former Minister for Defence, as well as a former Minister for Foreign Affairs. The Prime Minister made no attempt to justify his actions.
It should be remembered that the former Prime Minister, who was also the former Minister for Defence - I refer to the right honourable member for Higgins (Mr Gorton) - had a mandate from the people to govern this country. The present Prime Minister has no such mandate. Therefore, it is understandable that he ignored completely the charges that had been made by the Leader of the Opposition.
The Government has not stumbled into a constitutional crisis on the floor of the House. All the difficulties which now confront it are the product of a 3-month recess, one of the longest in the history of the Australian Parliament. The Government cannot claim to have had more than its legitimate share of the plain bad luck which often bedevils all political parties. Its troubles are not even in the strictest sense party troubles; that is, they do not flow from internal turmoil within either the Liberal Party or the Country Party. The present Government crisis has been produced by one simple fact - the disintegration of Cabinet government in this country. Quite obviously the traditional Westminster pattern of Cabinet government with all the conventions that have been built into the system by centuries of practice is not functioning. There are 2 reasons for this tragic disintegration of a Cabinet which under Sir Robert Menzies was monolithic. The first is that senior members of the Cabinet have not trusted each other and have worked actively to destroy each other. The second is that key portfolios in the Cabinet have been dealt round in the’ past 5 months like a series of poker hands, thereby destroying all sense of stability and continuity of policy.
The convulsions in the Cabinet in the past few weeks have been transmitted through the rest of the Ministry, through both Government parties, through the Public Service and now through the electorate. This bitter internal fighting within the Cabinet has exacted a bitter toll of a Government which is clearly at the end of its human resources. A Cabinet which is incapable of operating as a confederation of equals hammering out consensus policies is incapable of governing. The motion for the suspension of Standing Orders, which was accepted by the Prime Minister, is intended to put these matters before the House for its deliberation and its decision.
There have been various labels put on the operation of the Federal Cabinet in the past few months. The most apt and certainly the most colorful of them is the description by the honourable member for Wentworth (Mr Bury), the former Minister for Foreign Affairs, who likened Cabinet to a leaking sieve. It is not possible to state exactly when this process of decay began within this Cabinet. Certainly the seeds had been sown by the end of 1967. In his early months as Prime Minister the present right honourable member for Higgins, Mr Gorton, seemed to arrest this drift and capture the loyalty of his Cabinet. However as his term proceeded the process of erosion continued and gradually mounted. Towards the end of his tenure the leaks had accumulated into a deluge which has persisted in the 5 months the present Prime Minister has been in office.
There is little point in going through the leaks which the right honourable member for Higgins has documented, and, it seems, will continue to document since his elevation from the floor of this House to the Press Gallery. The right honourable gentleman and former Prime Minister has made it perfectly plain that he was betrayed by members of his Cabinet. Ironically this had the effect of procuring his own dismissal from Cabinet with the rather grim satisfaction of making his point in the strongest possible terms. The pity of the right honourable gentleman’s dismissal is that he was doing a reasonable job as Minister for Defence, a portfolio ideally suited to his experience and administrative capacity. Certainly during his brief time at Russell Hill there was none of the rancour and turbulence between the defence administration and the Services which marred the closing months of the term of the honourable member for Wannon (Mr Malcolm Fraser) as Defence Minister.
The right honourable member for Higgins’ handling of the Kerr Committee’s report will benefit many thousands of servicemen, although it seems important recommendations have also been shelved, lt has even been reported that the Prime Minister privately paid tribute to the way the right honourable member for Higgins was shaping in defence. But because of a political feud unparalleled in Australian political history, the right honourable member for Higgins had to go despite his acknowledged competence. This means there have been three Ministers for Defence within 5 months. It is no reflection on the present Minister to say that this unjustified reshuffling puts impossible demands on the whole defence structure. A process of reconstruction and reform of the defence structure was initiated 3 years ago by Sir Allen Fairhall who was then Minister in tandem with Sir Henry Bland who was then permanent head of the Department. This was continued by the honourable member for Wannon and presumably the member for Higgins when they occupied the defence office. Now this major reorganisation is to proceed under the new Minister.
The other important unfinished business in this Department is the reforms flowing from the recommendations of the Kerr Committee. This Committee into service pay and conditions was appointed by the honourable member for Wannon as Defence Minister. Some of the recommendations of the Committee’s interim report were accepted by the right honourable member for Higgins and are contained in the Budget. Now this whole process of improving pay and conditions has been thrown into jeopardy by the appointment of a new Minister. How can there be any stability and sense of security in such an important and sensitive area as the armed Services when this sort of ministerial hurly-burly is in train? The Kerr Committee was initiated by one Minister who should have been permitted to oversee it and supervise the introduction of its recommended reforms. At the very least his successor should have been given full scope to do this important job. Instead a third Minister comes fresh to this sensitive area at a most crucial time. Who is to say that there will not be a fourth within a couple of months? The new Minister for Defence (Mr Fairbairn) resigned once before after a difference with his then Prime Minister. There is no gainsaying that he will not do it again. The effect of these rapid changes must be to confuse the processes of reform in the defence administration and in the pay and conditions of servicemen. It will do nothing to stop the haemorrhage of officers and skilled men from the armed Services.
Another vital issue of policy affected by this constant chopping and changing is the timing of Australian withdrawal from Vietnam. This has been one of the most virulent issues in the protracted controversy about leaks from Cabinet. It was revealed in a ‘Sydney Morning Herald’ story on 30th July and never denied that the remaining two battalions would be out by Christmas. This brought forward by 4 months the expected and accepted date for liquidation of the Australian commitment. This was a blatant and quite deliberate leak; the motivation can only be guessed at. However it is common knowledge that the Prime Minister was holding this decision up his sleeve for a big grandstanding performance in this Parliament. He thought that withdrawal from Vietnam by Christmas would be a possible vote-winner. It points up the cynical calibre of this Government that it could win votes on committing troops to Vietnam and then hope to win votes by withdrawing them. In any case the Prime Minister had the ground sliced neatly from under his feet by the early release of what he assumed was a tightly kept Cabinet secret. The personal frustration this leak seems to have produced in the Prime Minister may well have hastened his aspirations to do away with his Defence Minister.
The Prime Minister already felt that the right honourable member for Higgins had pre-empted his ground by early release of the Kerr Committee report. There had also been persistent reports that the term of national service would be cut back from 2 years to 18 months. Undoubtedly these reports are true; undoubtedly they were leaked. This built in the Prime Minister’s mind the belief that the right honourable member for Higgins was white-anting him and precipitated the remarkable events of last week. It is impossible not to feel sorry for the former Prime Minister and Minister for Defence for his slip of the pen. The pretext on which his dismissal was based was an extremely flimsy one. It took the Prime Minister 5 days of constant telephoning to drum up the appropriate editorial climate for his action. Despite simulated outrage of. much of the Press and members of the Liberal Party, it is common knowledge that as late as Wednesday afternoon, the Prime Minister still had not summoned the fortitude to sack the Minister for Defence. It was a case of letting ‘I dare not wait upon I would’. He desperately wanted to get rid of the Minister for Defence but he did not think enough of his own Party would back him. He was scared the backlash would be too strong. It was not until he got back to the familiar atmosphere of Sydney among his influential cronies that his resolve stiffened sufficiently for him to do the deed.
This whole course of events is symptomatic of the malaise in the Liberal Party - the lack of trust which exists in the Cabinet to the point of blind hatred. It is proof also of the outside influences which dominate this Prime Minister, that act on him like a drug. Until he gets the nod from his great and powerful friends, the Prime Minister is incapable of action.
When he wants support he cannot even go to his own colleagues, to his own Party, he has to go to outsiders.
I have tried to trace through something of the impact of this lack of trust and the pervading presence of outside influence on Cabinet on one important sector of public policy, that is the defence of this country and the welfare of members of the forces. The same malise has afflicted the conduct of foreign affairs. The former Minister for Foreign Affairs, the member for Wentworth is just as tragic a victim of this lack of trust in the Cabinet as the right honourable member for Higgins. In some ways the member for Wentworth has b:en treated even more venemously. During the recess the member for Wentworth came under severe criticism for his handling of East Pakistan relief and China policy. This criticism may have been justified or not; the point is that the member for Wentworth had no chance of defending himself. If he had remained as Minister he would have been questioned by the Opposition in this House. This would, have allowed him to defend his actions. Alternatively he could have emulated the right honourable member for Higgins and defended himself in the Press. He decided not to do this.
This left him a defenceless victim of the indiscriminate wrath of the Prime Minister. Furthermore his dismissal was prematurely leaked presumably by one of his former colleagues in Cabinet. It has been reported that this leak took the form of an anonymous letter to a radio programme. This is the sort of example of lack of trust which is destroying the Cabinet, destroying the Government and destroying the once great Liberal Party.
The effect on the conduct of public policy has been immeasurable. I have listed the impact on defence and foreign affairs. Other important portfolios have been severely damaged by this Cabinet disintegration. The portfolios of AttorneyGeneral, Health and Education and Science have each had three Ministers in 5 months.
– Order! The honourable member’s time has expired.
– The reason for the Opposition motion is a series of events which took place over the last week or so culminating in the resignation of the right honourable member for Higgins (Mr Gorton) from his position in the Ministry and from the position of Deputy Leader of his Party. It is suggested that these events have led to a situation in which we have a Prime Minister and a government who are not fit to hold office. This is what the Labor Party wants this House and the Australian people to believe. However, it is most- noticeable on this occasion that members of the Labor Party, who normally have an obsession to bring censure motions before the House, ran from the issue today. They knew full well that the Government ranks would remain solid and that they were wasting their lime. Instead, what did they do? They lowered themselves to the lowest form of political battle - character assassination - running from Government policies, running from party policies and attacking the Prime Minister (Mr McMahon). smearing wherever they could and hoping that by denigrating his character they could lower the standard of this Government.
I heard various questions being asked at question time and I heard the speech of the Leader of the Opposition (Mr Whitlam) trying to make out that Sir Frank Packer was the villain in the whole operation. Sir Frank Packer has been quite unequivocal in his opposition to Socialist policies and Labor governments, and members of the Opposition no doubt are taking this opportunity to try to smear him also. There has been reference to talks about leaks from Cabinet. The honourable member for Wentwortb (Mr Bury) described the situation as he saw it in quite picturesque terms. The deplorable fact is that whilst Cabinet does not perhaps leak like a sieve. Cabinet matters at times do seem to drip out. This is obvious to everyone, and it is to be deplored, lt must .not be condoned for one minute, but we must accept that.it is difficult to lay the blame in any single direction. From our experience as members of this House we all know that the people who work in the Press Gallery are very skilled at obtaining information from various sources and then putting it all together to try to present a complete picture. The various sources can be any part of the enormous government machine.
I am sure that members of the Labor Party would be the first to agree that the discussions of their caucus are far from secret, No doubt if the Labor Party gol into office there would be a miracle overnight and there would never bc any leaks from a Labor Cabinet. If this debate serves no other purpose I -hope it will be a reminder to each of us in this House of the responsibilities we carry to our parties, to our colleagues in the Government, to our colleagues in the Opposition and, most important, to the nation.
On the question of the matters which arc under discussion I say only this: Both the Prime Minister and the right honourable member for Higgins over the last few weeks were placed in the most difficult and unenviable positions. 1 understand completely the action of the right honourable member for Higgins in replying to attacks made on him - in some cases quite vicious attacks - and his desire to explain and defend his position. Any red-blooded Australian subjected to the same kinds of attack would want to do, and probably would do, the same thing. He would be a most unusual man if be did- not. But I believe also that the Prime Minister, if he is to maintain the absolute principle of Cabinet responsibility and solidarity, could have taken no action other than he did.
Various points of view have been put forward on the question of what constitutes a breach of Cabinet responsibility and solidarity. My own view is that it is possible for it to be claimed that in the absence of the publication of any specific information relating to Cabinet discussion or in the absence of any attribution of points of view to particular Cabinet members there is technically no breach, but 1 believe that there does not have to be PaY specific action of this nature to constitute a breach of the vital principle involved. The action of the right honourable member for Higgins in writing for publication while a member of Cabinet, and the nature of the writing, in my view did constitute a breach of the principle. In short, I believe that both men - the right honourable member for Higgins, for reasons he has given, and the Prime Minister, for reasons he has given - were compelled to act as they did.
Now, the Labor Party, I suppose understandably, but quite detestably, in my opinion, uses the savagery of politics to capitalise on this drama. The man for whom I feel sorry in all this is the Leader of the Opposition. How frustrating it must be to be reduced to the position of having to seek power not on one’s own merits but through the difficulties of one’s opponents. It seems to be the only desperate ploy that he has left these days. Here are a man and a party who have failed time and time again to win acceptance of their policies; to win the confidence of the Australian people. The Leader of the Opposition has never been able to put forward a policy that has been backed strongly enough by the Australian people to put him and his Party into office. How galling it must be to lead a party that has been in Opposition for 22 years; how humiliating to lead a party that in 70 years of federation has been out of office for over 50 years.
– On a point of order, is the Minister aware that his Party was in opposition in New South Wales for 24 years?
– Order! There is no point of order.
– Today we see the Leader of the Labor Party brought to a state of trying to gain power, not through his own standing or his Party’s standing or their policies, but through the passing problems of another party. What a tragedy to see the Labor Party and its Leader in this predicament of having to try to sneak into office through the back door after having failed so miserably and regularly and continually to get into office through the front door of acceptability to the Australian people. The aim of this motion by the Opposition is to create a situation which it sees as giving it a chance to govern the nation and to create divisions in the ranks of the Government by playing on personalities. What a noble and honourable way in which to try to gain control of the Treasury bench of this nation!
What does a Labor government mean. It means a socialistic, trade union dominated government, and I would find it hard to imagine a Labor government in which Mr Hawke did not play some part. But let us look at just one aspect, that of primary industry policy. This is one of the most important and most difficult areas, calling for a strong and united approach from both Government and industry. But we find the honourable member for Oxley (Mr Hayden) saying that Labor’s approach consists of ‘a loose patchwork of totally unrelated propositions’. The honourable member for Dawson (Dr Patterson) found this an incredible, untrue statement, and he said that it showed the colossal ignorance of a person who should know better. This is Labor unity. When the Australian Labor Party Conference in Launceston in June amended the rural policy report of the honourable member for Dawson, he explained this by saying that very few members of the Conference knew anything about rural matters.
– On a point of order, i cannot hear-
– Order! There is no point of order.
– You have not. heard my point of order yet. At least I am entitled to some respect without a laugh on your face about it.
-Order! The honourable member for Sturt indicated his point of order-
– No, I did not. I beg your pardon, but I have not done so.
-Order! I think that the honourable member for Sturt indicated his point of order, but from this Chair I cannot tell the honourable member how he indicated it.
– Because you do not know what it is.
-I suggest that the honourable member should resume his seat.
– I am sitting down. What more do you want? So much for democracy.
– Mr Deputy Speaker, are you not a member of the Australian Country Party?
-Order! I think that the honourable member for Reid should resume his seat.
– I repeat that the honourable member for Dawson explained the action of the Australian Labor Party Conference in amending his rural policy report by saying that very few members of the Conference knew anything about rural matters. I suppose that is not news to most of us.
– On a point of order. Mr Deputy Speaker, if you knew so well the point of order 1 was going to take, why do you not shut up your colleagues?
-Order! The honourable member for Sturt will resume his seat.
– By the way in which honourable members opposite are reacting one would think that we were moving a censure motion on them. I think that probably would be a good indictment of them. The comment of the honourable member for Dawson - and h makes one really feel for him - was: ‘I feel very, very sad for Labor members of Parliament holding marginal seats in country areas. How on earth are we going to explain this now*/ It is going to be very difficult.’
– Who said that?
– That was the honourable member for Dawson.
– Can you prove that?
– Yes. He said it on an Australian Broadcasting Commission programme. The action of the Australian Labor Party Federal Executive means that there will be virtually no financial assistance for the wool industry, and it means a dismantling of the wheat, dairy and other stabilisation schemes. It is a policy really to abandon rural Australia. This is the party that tries to tell us it has the policies and the people to work best for primary industry. Are there any legitimate reasons for this motion? The Leader of the Opposition said: This country has been held up to ridicule over the period that the Prime Minister has been in office.’ Let us look at the things that have happened since the Prime Minister has been in office.
Is confidence lacking because the Prime Minister has made new financial arrangements with the States, including the use of payroll tax as a growth tax? Is confidence lacking because of the tremendous amount of assistance which the Government is giving to rural industry to help it through a time of serious difficulty? ls confidence lacking because Australia, since the Prime Minister took office, has been invited to become a full member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development alongside the other major trading and industrial nations of the world? Is confidence lacking because we have begun, as we said we would, a review of the tariff? Is confidence lacking because we are making a wide review of the arbitration system? Is confidence lacking because we have legislated to control resale price maintenance? Is confidence lacking because we have been looking for ways and means of strengthening the Trade Practices Act? Is confidence laeking because we are reducing our troop commitment in Vietnam in accordance with developments there, or because of the efforts we are mak ing, through proper means, to normalise relations with the People’s Republic of China, or because we have liberalised our trading arrangements with China? ls confidence lacking because I came to an agreement in Japan recently to establish a important consultative group of Australian and Japanese Ministers to consider trade and economic matters as part of the further strengthening of our relations with Japan? Is confidence lacking because of our forward steps towards the development of New Guinea?
Of all the urgency motions moved by the Opposition in recent years, the one that I found most interesting was the one against me. Unfortunately, 1 have not got time to explain it, but while I happened to be in New Zealand the Opposition tried to accuse me of being the reason for our lack of sales of wheat to China, because of what I had said on television. I suggest that the members of the Opposition-
-Order! Hie Minister’s time has expired.
– Mr Deputy Speaker, this afternoon we have seen the most pitiful performance from a Prime Minister that we have ever seen in this House. The Prime Minister (Mr McMahon) refused to answer questions which he could have answered quite easily. He could have told this Parliament the real reasons for the dismissal of the former Minister for Defence but he failed to do so. He simply turned what is a motion deploring the outside influence of Sir Frank Packer upon the decisions of the Prime Minister of this country into an opposition to a motion which was never moved. A motion of no confidence in the Government was the imaginary motion to which the Prime Minister (Mr McMahon) and the Minister for Trade and Industry (Mr Anthony) gave their replies. It is no wonder that not one single Government supporter bothered to congratulate tlie Prime Minister after that deplorable effort.
It seems to me that we are going to see desperate attempts made to prevent the honourable member for Moreton (Mr Killen) from speaking. His tender remarks about the state of chaos within the Liberal Party must have intrigued most of us. Instead of defending himself the Prime Minister, as i say, carried out a vicious personal attack upon the Leader of the Opposition (Mr Whitlam) in an attempt to deflect the attention of the House from the charges that the Opposition has laid against him. There is no doubt whatever that the Prime Minister was in difficulties. He did not deny, as he could easily have done, the charge that he has been trying to use the Australian Cricket Board of Control and Sir Donald Bradman to bring about a cricket tour in order to throw this country into a state of disunity in the hope that that would assist him in his campaign to retain office.
He did not deny the clear imputations levelled against him that it is he who has leaked the information to the Press and not the other Ministers against whom he is now casting aspersions. There is not any doubt at all that the present Prime Minister was the leak to the newspapers. There is not any doubt at all that this country holds the unenviable position of being the only parliamentary democracy in the world where one can find out most of the important decisions contained in the Budget a week before it is delivered. In the United Kingdom under a Labour Government when a Labour Minister, Hugh Dalton, was found to have leaked information unwittingly by dropping a chance word to a pressman he was dismissed immediately. The Prime Minister should begin emulating the British tradition by sacking himself at once because he is the person who has leaked information to Newton. I know for a positive fact that at one time he rang Newton regularly every Sunday afternoon and spoke to him for 2 hours about Budget information and about discussions within the Cabinet. If he denies that he telephoned Newton on those occasions, if he denies that he has not been in constant touch with the Press and with the proprietors of the Press over the last few days prior to getting the courage up to dismiss the right honourable member for Higgins (Mr Gorton) let him table the telephone dockets. I challenge him to table the telephone dockets and let us see to whom he spoke. I will table mine if he will table his. Is it any wonder that he took a whole week to get up the courage to dismiss the right honourable member for Higgins when it is well known that he has told his friends confidentially that he always feels uncomfortable in the presence of the right honourable gentleman and does not like him in the Cabinet? He said: ‘I feel inferior when I stand before him’. Is it any wonder when one looks at the two of them? Compare the two people. Is it any wonder that he feels inferior when he stands before the right honourable member for Higgins? Is it any wonder Mr Max Newton was able to say:
It must have taken a tremendous personal effort for Billy to screw himself up to sack Gorton. In the past Billy has always got other people - myself, Alan Reid, Sir Frank Packer. Warwick Fairfax and many others - to stab his enemies for him while Billy waited in the background until the crisis which others had precipitated came to a solution.
There are the words from Mr Max Newton himself.
Is it any wonder that Sir John McEwen vetoed Mr McMahon as Prime Minister? Can one wonder that the Country Party said: ‘We will not serve under a man who is so distrusted, a man who will betray Cabinet secrets, a man who is prepared to go to Max Newton and give him information that money could not buy from anybody else’? Is it any wonder that Max Newton was able to reap a small fortune from his teleprinter confidential information to his very select clientele of people who paid him for valuable secret Government information? Among his clients were the Mutual Life and Citizens’ Assurance Co. Ltd, General Motors-Holdens Pty Ltd, top stockbrokers and the Australia and New Zealand Banking Group Ltd. That gives an idea of the sort of people who are prepared to pay Maxwell Newtown for the information that the present Prime Minister deliberately leaked to him in his regular 2-hour talks on the telephone. If he denies that he had regular 2-hour talks with Max Newton on the telephone prior to the time when Sir John McEwen got the wind of it and refused to have him as Prime Minister, let him table telephone dockets from his office now for us to see. I know that he did.
I would like to see the telephone dockets representing the telephone calls he made from Mr Robinson’s home in Surfers Paradise while he was there plotting to get from the Country Party the seat now occupied by the Minister for External Territories (Mr Barnes). While he was plotting to get rid of the Country Party representative in McPherson he thought it would not be a bad idea to get rid of the honourable member for Moreton also. If the honourable member for Moreton loses his preselection it can be put down to the plotting of the Prime Minister and of Eric Robinson who would probably like to have the seat himself. But it will be the silliest thing the Liberal Party ever does because the moment it takes the preselection off -our friend Killen will be the moment we take the seat from the Liberal Party. There is no doubt about that. The people did not give the present Prime Minister the authority to govern this country. They gave that authority to the right honourable member for Higgins who was cut and clawed down as only a cat could do it. They certainly did not give it to Sir Frank Packer who is now governing this country. Packer’s credo is: ‘Let the people elect the Prime Minister and I will sack him if he does not do as I say.’ As Rohan Rivett put it in the Sunday Review’ recently:
The treatment of John Grey Gorton since he showed a total unwillingness to receive ‘advice’ from Sir Frank, or Sir Frank’s most trusted henchmen, has been as hard, as brilliantly destructive and often as well concealed, as any minefield in Vietnam.
Another gentle little quote about Sir Frank from the same newspaper is worth recording. This was written by none other than the editor, Richard Walsh, and one could not go much higher than that:
The life of Sir Frank Packer is that of a larrikin who almost all his life has had the kind of money that allowed him to indulge himself to the full. He is brutal in his treatment of those who cross him and power-hungry in his dealings and manipulations of men and events.
– That is why he was knighted.
– That is right, and the Liberals admit they could not have won in 1961 without him.
That may not be nattering to Sir Frank Packer but it is certainly not libellous because it is true, and now that he has become the de facto Prime Minister of Australia it is in the public interest that everybody who is ruled by this man should be able to see the real character of the non-elected dictator of the Liberal Party and of the Australian people. From now on a vote for McMahon is a vote for placing the control of the country in the hands of a multi-millionaire Press baron who will have power without responsibility, which has been the prerogative of the harlot throughout the ages.
The Prime Minister has become the Vyshinksy of Australian politics. Through Sir Frank Packer’s guiding control and at his behest the Treasurer was picked back in 1968. Packer picked the Prime Minister in 1968 and again in 1971. Packer sacked the Foreign Minister and the Defence Minister in 1971 and Packer intends to take the preselection away from the honourable member for Berowra (Mr Hughes) if he can. If the honourable member for Berowra loses his preselection that will be proof positive that what I say is correct. If he loses his preselection everybody will know that it was lost as a consequence of the inordinate pressure and power that this man Packer has over the Liberal Party. The honourable member is the best AttorneyGeneral I have seen in this Parliament, with the exception of Sir Garfield Barwick. He did not deserve the sack but he got it because he was no longer prepared to be a puppet of Packer. That is why he was dismissed. The present Prime Minister knows perfectly well that the people whom he has sacked are people who did not deserve to be sacked. The honourable member for Moreton did not deserve to be sacked when he was the Minister for the Navy. He at least was not one who was prepared to emulate his Prime Minister, who as Minister for the Navy took a post as the admiral’s gentleman on the eastern seaboard and was thus able to dictate his requirements to the admiral.
It is a great tragedy to see this once united party hacking itself to pieces at the behest of an outside person. Treachery, intrigue, villification and a smouldering hatred now pervade the Party. When we look at the sorry sordid sight that fails to grace the benches opposite one is able to understand why the Government has lost all sense of direction. It is more like a tin of worms or a bag full of cats than a Cabinet of responsible men. The end is not yet in sight. One of those how in line for the axe is the Minister for Social Services (Mr Wentworth) whom 1 admire for his courage in resisting the temptation or the invitation on television to stab his former leader in the back. I bow to him for’ his courage, lt took great courage and he has it. He deserves full credit but unfortunately his action only makes his demise all the more certain. He will be replaced by somebody like the former honourable member for Riverina, Mr Hugh Roberton, who will give the pensioners a decent serving of Liberal Party policy. The next man for the axe - perhaps it will not be in this order - is the Minister for the Army (Mr Peacock). The next man is the Minister for Immigration (Dr Forbes) and after him my good friend the Minister for Customs and Excise (Mr Chipp) although I hope I am wrong in saying this because he certainly does not deserve to be dismissed. In my opinion he is likely to be the fourth to go. They will then join on the back benches their illustrious colleagues the right honourable member for Higgins and the honourable members for Moreton, Wentworth and Berowra.
The right honourable member for Higgins and the honourable members fm Moreton and Berowra have something else in common. They all are in for the preselection axe. In case the right honourable member for Higgins thinks he is out of the pie-selection woods let me sound this word of warning. I know that the new Minister for the Environment, Aborigines and the Arts (Mr Howson) has a commission from the Prime Minister to use his influence in the Liberal Party to destroy the former Prime Minister of this country. Here you have this sordid intrigue of a Prime Minister going to one of his Ministers - perhaps this is the price of his appointment to the Cabinet - and saying Your duly now is to remove the man who used to be the Prime Minister of this country’ - a man who fought for this country in a way the present Prime Minister did not. They have plotted and planned the defeat of this man over a period of months. I only wish I could talk more about the future of these people to whom I have referred.
The Prime Minister has given a prize to everybody in the Liberal Party who has said ‘I am prepared to betray my party and vote with the opponents if a no confidence motion is moved’. They are the ones who have now been elevated to the Ministry. Let me tell the Prime Minister this: In giving this imprimateur on party treachery he is setting the pattern for his own destruction because he cannot complain if three or four other persons get up in the party room and say: ‘Unless the Prime Minister is sacked we will walk across the floor of the House and destroy him in the way he has destroyed John Grey Gorton.’ The situation has reached a very sorry state. 1 wish 1 had further time to enable me to talk about the sorry situation which now exists in the Liberal Party. We will need a strong Opposition after the next election. We will need one badly but instead we will get a disunited rabble. We want an Opposition that will be in a position to tell the Labor Government when we are wrong and when we should improve our kind of government.
– Order! The honourable member’s time has expired.
– I understand it is the wish of the Leader of the House to dispatch this motion before dinner and accordingly I must truncate what I have to say. I turn at once to thank the honourable member for Hindmarsh (Mr Clyde Cameron) for the encomium which he directed to me. I also extend thanks on behalf of the honourable member for Berowra - (Mr Hughes). I congratulate the honourable member for Hindmarsh most warmly On his performance. I think it was one of the best George Arliss performances J have seen but I am distressed beyond measure to find that he is in such a state of acute distraction. He said: ‘My friend Killen, the poor member for Moreton.’ He did not even observe his customary intonation and pronounce my electorate as ‘Mortein’. I suppose we are all entitled to an aberration at some time. The honourable member has many remarkable accomplishments but for my part I would excuse myself from numbering amongst them that he is genuine in his endeavour to isolate the truth. I speak as one who was asked by the present Prime Minister not to serve and I suppose in the ordinary course of events one may draw the conclusion that that is good ground for resentment and good ground to nurse a measure of animus. 1 do not know whether it is a sign of incipient old age but for my part I am thoroughly convinced that in this world you can build nothing whatsoever on bitterness. lt may be that that is a bit old fashioned but that is my view. 1 would also be the last person on this side of the House to deny that there has been a disturbance within the Liberal Patty in recent months. That is a world of reality but are we- expected to go through life nursing hatreds and believing that we can build constructively and positively by saying: There goes that man, I wish him in hell.’ Is that to be the view? That is not my view and I venture to say that it is not the view of the great majority of those who sit on this side of the House. We have our differences: I do not deny this. Indeed I assert it. But at the same time I assert that there is within the corporate good will of those who serve in the Liberal Party - those who serve here in this Parliament and those who serve the Party outside - sufficient intellectual reserve to settle the problems. Our aim is to settle those problems and indeed this will be our accomplishment. 1 have said that the right honourable member for Higgins (Mr Gorton) had a right to defend himself. I have always apprehended as one of the most fundamental principles of natural justice that we hear the other side. Honourable members may disagree with it, reject it or condemn it but I believe that we must hear the other side. The right honourable member for Higgins has defended himself but he did not do it according to the wishes of the Prime Minister. That was the Prime Minister’s judgment but that is a resolution of yesterday. What of the morrow? We seek not to live in the past but to live in the future because that is where we are to spend the rest of our lives. I would maintain this view against any other.
What does this motion amount to. Curiously the Leader of the Opposition (Mr Whitlam) said that it is not a motion of censure. Not even all his well cultivated charm or the prospect of spending my days in Madrid would coax me to go over to the other side and vote with him on this motion. On that let me be quite clear. But what is the alternative? According to the Leader of the Opposition the alternative is that he is better able to lead this country. Let me say this to the honourable member: Those who would follow him would follow him only out of curiosity. The honourable gentleman says: ‘Here I am, unblemished, prepared to lead you.’ Moses in reverse. If he takes the view that his attitude is to be vindicated, that he is right and we are wrong, that he is better fitted and equipped to serve this country then let him answer such questions as these: Did he and his Party not go through the turbulence of the 36 faceless men while waiting outside the hotel? Where does the honourable gentleman stand with respect to Mr Harradine? I will defend him to the end, quoth he, and when it came to the crunch a groaning silence came over the honourable gentleman.
Would the honourable gentleman describe his relationship with the right honourable member for Melbourne (Mr Calwell) as being the entente cordiale of the South Pacific? What was it that possessed the honourable gentleman to describe his own Federal Executive as witless men? Does the honourable gentleman repudiate that? Does the honourable gentleman resile from his humiliating apology to the Federal Executive? Does the honourable gentleman take the view that he and the honourable member for Grayndler (Mr Daly) walked through the corridors close together, each trying to. outdo the other in murmuring: ‘I’m on your side.’? What of the relationship of the honourable gentleman with the honourable member for Shortland (Mr Griffiths)? Would he describe that as being an expression of splendid harmony?
One has only to recount these matters to come to the realisation that the honourable gentleman is not, as he asserts, better fitted to lead a government of this country. I say this to the Australian people: You cannot expect to get together a political party, a national party, having national ideas, standing for principles, having hundreds of thousands of members, sending them to Parliament, getting them in Parliament and expect to get out of it the one blob of conformity. That is not on. Whatever differences we may have will be settled, and they will be settled not merely to the advantage of the Liberal Party but to the advantage of the Australian people and those who will come and live in this nation.
- Mr Speaker -
Motion (by Mr Swartz) put:
That the question be now put.
The House divided. (Mr Speaker - Hon. Sir William Aston)
AYES: 62
NOES: 56
Majority . . 6
AYES
NOES
Question so resolved in the affirmative.
Question put:
That the motion (Mr Whitlam’s) be agreed to.
The House divided. (Mr Speaker - Hon. Sir William Aston)
AYES: 56
NOES: 62
Majority .. .. 6
AYES
NOES
Question so resolved in the negative.
Sitting suspended from 6.6 to 8 p.m.
page 37
Message from the Governor-General recommending appropriation for proposed expenditure announced.
Bill presented by Mr Snedden, and read a first time.
– In accordance with Budget practice, I now call on the Chairman of Committees to take the chair as Deputy Speaker.
– I move:
That the Bill be now read a second time.
In doing so I present the Budget proposals.
Amongst these are important proposals to improve social service and repatriation benefits, to provide new forms of assistance for rural industries, notably wool, and to increase considerably our expenditure on defence. There will be minor tax concessions which, like the social service proposals, are oriented towards the claims of children and students.
We will also bring down measures to increase revenues and charges.
page 38
Even more than usually the Government has this year found it necessary to shape its Budget to serve an overriding economic purpose. Australia is in the grip of inflationary pressures. The rate of increase in costs and prices is already fast and has tended to become faster. This is a serious’ condition. If allowed to develop unchecked it will cause increasing economic and social hardship to many people, add to the burdens of rural industries already depressed, disrupt developmental plans of great promise and undermine the rich possibilities of growth which our future unquestionably holds. So far as lies in our power as a government we are determined to combat this pernicious trend, slow it down and hobble it.
Until last financial year, inflation had not, for almost a decade, been a matter for serious concern with us. Through a long, unbroken phase of expansion it had usually been present in some degree but it had never gained much ground. Over the five years 1965 to 1969 average weekly earnings rose by 6.5 per cent per -year and consumer prices by 3.2 per cent per year. These were years in which our population and employment increased steadily; at no time did unemployment exceed 1.5 per cent of the work force.
These facts establish that, in this country, we can have strong, sustained economic ‘ growth and continuous full, employment of resources with only a mod erate degree of cost and price inflation. This is a vital fact, a re-assuring fact. It demonstrates that, in undertaking, to bring the current more serious form of inflation under control, the Government has not embarked upon any futile task. We accept that the Government must take the lead - this we are doing - but we must have the co-operation of the community. We would be lacking in duty to ignore our responsibility or fail to take that action which lies within our hands as a government.
In some respects, the last two financial years have gone along much as did the preceding years. If anything, . 1969-70 was somewhat above the trend - employment rose by 4 per cent and last year employment rose by 3.7 per cent - again above the trend. In both years there was a notable, further strengthening of our external payments and reserves position., This performance was achieved despite the further decline in the overall position of the rural industries, amounting to a severe slump in the case of wool. This tended to offset and mask the growth of the other sectors of the economy.
That having been said; it is in these 2 years that cost and price inflation have gathered pace. Average weekly earnings rose by 8.9 per cent in 1969-70 and by over 10 per cent last year. In the earlier year, the Consumer Price Index rose by 3.2 per cent; but last year by 4.8 per cent and by the June quarter the underlying rate of increase in prices was above 6 per cent.
The factors which have caused these increases cannot be disentangled, still less quantified. Undoubtedly, a significant part of the impetus has come from wage increases in various forms. These increases have reflected the level of demand and a willingness on the part of employers, under pressure, to pay more for labour. Apparently it has been possible to pass on increased costs, wholly or partly; in higher prices. It is probably more helpful to think of an inter-acting set of conditions than to look for a single dominating cause. But it is important to appreciate that a cost-price sequence can become a’ self-activating force so that cost increases lead to price increases and these to further cost increases.
In general, as we see the problem, there has been and still is a powerful upthrust of costs, stemming largely though not wholly from large wage claims relentlessly pursued.
There nas also been and still is an overstrong pressure of demand in some sectors, the effects of which spill over into other areas. Over the past couple of years, expenditure has been running very high in non-residential construction and, to a lesser extent, on the purchase and installation of capital equipment. It has also been running very high in the public sector, both Commonwealth and State.
In the very big area of consumer spending there appears to have been a growing rate of increase in recent months. This is a critical area because of the massive additional call on resources there would be if consumer spending did rise more rapidly. This could be made possible by the big increase in personal disposable incomes that has occurred and by the large buildup in savings bank deposits over’ recent months. That it might happen is evidenced by a sharp growth in retail sales, at an annual rate of 12 per cent, between the recent March and June quarters. It is a development which we must have very much in mind . in assessing the economic outlook. It would be calamitous for a general demand-type inflationary pressure to be superimposed upon and exacerbate present cost pressures.
Therefore it is essential to achieve the right rate of increase in demand through the year, lt must be high enough to make possible full employment of the labour available - new labour as well as existing labour. At the same time it must not be so high as to facilitate and encourage further cost and price increases. Since, as I have said, demand .has been running too high in some sectors, this indicates the need for a degree of restraint on demand. One obvious direction in which restraint should be applied is that of public authority spending in its various forms.
page 39
While the Budget provides for substantial increases in expenditures to meet present and high priority needs in social welfare, the rural sector and defence, the Government has nevertheless been ruthless in pruning expenditure proposals.
There are, of course, large segments of the Budget where there is relatively little scope for pruning. There are large areas - notably in our payments to the States - where expenditures are determined by formula or by formal agreement. There are other areas - notably welfare and repatriation - where rates of benefit and the number of beneficiaries determine our outlays. Again, there are strong constraints with our expenditure on defence. Taken together, payments to the States, welfare and repatriation, and defence this year constitute considerably more than twothirds of total Commonwealth expenditures. I need hardly add that a substantial increase in expenditure on many government services and activities was unavoidable because of sharply increased wages and salaries and other costs - including an extra pay-day this year.
The overall increase in our expenditures ‘ would, however, have been much larger but for a determined pruning of expenditure proposals. It may be fairly said that this year has seen the most rigorous restraints on proposals for expenditure for many years. We propose’ to continue to exercise this restraint and we have decided to limit the growth in the numbers employed full-time under the -Public Service Act to 3.1 per cent in 1971-72. To assist in controlling the growth of expenditures, we have arranged that, in future, all Commonwealth Departments will prepare for the Government’s consideration expenditure estimates for a further 2 yeaTs beyond each budget year. This will clarify the longer-term implications of individual proposals in the context of the emerging overall expenditure situation and will enable the Government to act earlier in relation to developing trends.
In terms of the conventional Budget presentation, total expenditure this year is estimated at $8,833m, an increase of $728m or 9.0 per cent. This figure does not allow for the effect on inter-year comparisons of the transfer of pay-roll tax to the States. After adjusting for that factor, the increase in expenditure would be $987m or 12.2 per cent compared “with the actual increase of 13.8 per cent in expenditures last year. The success of our restraints is seen in the more meaningful figures of the Commonwealth’s outlays in Australia. After adjustment to remove the estimated effects of the transfer of pay-roll tax to the States, our outlays in Australia are estimated to increase by 11.7 per cent compared with the actual increase of 14.9 per cent last year.
page 40
The Government has made an assessment of our strategic situation in the light of changes which are occurring in our international relationships.
With further improvements in the security situation in South Vietnam, and the growing capacity of that country to provide for its own defence, reductions in the Australian Force, Vietnam, have already been possible. The Prime Minister will make a statement in this Session. Arrangements for the disposition of our forces in the Malaysia/Singapore area within the Five Power arrangement are proceeding very satisfactorily.
The Defence Vote proposed is $l,252.4m. This is $117m, or 10.3 per cent, more than last year.
Some $66m of the increase is for pay and salaries. New rates recommended by the Kerr Committee for other ranks will apply as from the beginning of the next pay period, and actual payment will be made as soon as regulations are pro-, mulgated. The Minister for Defence will make a statement on the new pay structure.
Expenditure on new capital equipment and works is estimated at $227m. This is about $32m more than last year. Major equipments to be delivered this year include ten Skyhawk aircraft for the Navy, thirteen Macchi Trainer aircraft for the Navy and Air Force, twelve Light Observation Helicopters for the Army and communications equipment and armoured personnel carriers. An amount of $6.2m will be spent on the development of the Naval base at Cockburn Sound and on Learmonth Airfield on North West Cape. There will be a small increase in expenditure on defence aid programmes.
Payments to the States
I believe that recent developments have led to a significant improvement in Com monwealth-State financial arrangements. The new grants formula settled in June 1970 is increasing State revenues considerably. More recently the agreement to transfer pay-roll tax to the States has improved their capacity to raise their own revenues. We count that agreement as a major co-operative achievement between the two branches of Government. The present aim is that the transfer of this tax should take effect as from 1 September 1971. On that basis, the offsetting reductions in the States’ financial assistance grants will result in total allocations to the States from the Commonwealth Budget increasing by only an estimated §88m to $2,93 lm.
In addition, the States will receive an estimated $259m from pay-roll tax at the existing rate and a further estimated $90m if the rate is increased by t per cent as they have indicated. Thus, after allowance both for Commonwealth allocations and revenue from their new tax, the States are estimated to receive $3,280m, an increase of $43 7m or IS per cent on the comparable figure for last year.
The Commonwealth will continue to impose pay-roll tax at the rate of 2£ per cent in the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory. Details of the arrangements will be given when legislation to amend the States Grants Act 1970-1971 and the Commonwealth’s pay-roll tax legislation is introduced into Parliament. There are two aspects of particular importance.
First, local government authorities will benefit by an estimated $6m this year and $8m in a full year through the Commonwealth meeting the cost of exempting the non-business activities of such authorities from pay-roll tax as from the date of transfer. This decision by the Commonwealth has been warmly welcomed by all local authorities.
Secondly, while accepting that pay-roll tax would be a useful addition to their revenue resources, the States emphasised that the full-year costs of the abnormally high wage and salary awards granted by various wage-fixing bodies to State Government employees last year would still make it very difficult for them to cope with their prospective 1971-72 budgetary situations. Accordingly, the Commonwealth agreed to pay the Stales special non-recurring revenue assistance of $40m this year as well as an amount of about $22.4m associated with the transfer of the pay-roll tax.
The allocations to the States include an amount of S860m for the State works and housing programme approved by the Loan Council. This amount, which includes an interest-free capital grant of nearly $2 10m, involves an increase of $37rn or 4.5 per cent on last year’s programme. In addition, the Commonwealth makes available to the States a wide range of capital payments for specific purposes, such as roads, education and the development of resources. These payments are estimated to increase by around 1 1 per cent to $406m. Consistent with the effort we have made right across the Budget to restrict increases in expenditure as far as possible, the increase in these specific purpose capital payments is almost entirely a result of commitments entered into prior to the current year. We shall be bringing the same attitude of rigorous restraint to all proposals for new specific purpose capital . commitments coming before us in the year ahead.
Expenditure on social welfare and repatriation constitutes the largest single item of the Commonwealth’s own expenditures. Social services, repatriation benefits, health services, housing and other welfare activities will involve this year an expenditure of $2,095m. This is $268m more than last year. Of this increase, $78m represents the cost in 1971-72 of current proposals for improvements in social welfare. The full year cost is $108m. Further details are given in Statement No. 10.
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The Government has pursued its policy of assisting those most in need. There will be higher pensions for those who are wholly or substantially dependent on their pensions. The standard rate pension payable to single people and widows with children is to be increased by $1.25 to $17.25 a week. The married rate of pension will rise by $1.00 a week for each person to give a married couple who are both pensioners a combined maximum pension of $30.50 a week.
Pensioners now receiving pensions at the current maximum rate and those who received part of the increase of 50c a week given in April this year will receive the full increase of $1.25 or $1 a week. Pensioners who narrowly missed qualifying for any part of the April increase will receive part of the present increase so that their total income will not be less man that of maximum rate pensioners with full allowable means.
The allowance for the non-pensioner wife of an invalid pensioner and the allowance for the non-pensioner wife of an age pensioner who is permanently incapacitated or who has a dependent child, have been reviewed. The wife’s allowance will be increased by $1 to $8 a week.
Increases are also proposed in the additional pensions payable where a pensioner has dependent children. The first child will attract an increase of $2 a week and each other child $1, bringing the payment for each child in a pensioner’s care to a uniform rate of $4.50 a week.
The increases will apply, where appropriate, to rehabilitation and sheltered employment allowances, tuberculosis allowances and long-term sickness benefits. The proposed increases in the wife’s allowance and pensions for children will be extended to the dependants of those receiving unemployment and sickness benefits. Comparable increases will also be made in service pensions payable under the Repatriation legislation.
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To assist young families, endowment will be increased by 50 cents a week for each child under the age of sixteen years in excess of two in a family. The rate of payment for children under 16 years in institutions will also be increased by 50c a week.
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We propose a number of improvements in Repatriation pensions and allowances.
The special rate pension payable to a totally and permanently incapacitated war pensioner will be increased by $3.50 to $42.50 a week.
The intermediate rate war pension, payable to those able to work only part-time . or intermittently, will be increased by $1.75 to $30.25 a week.
War widows’ pensions will be increased by $1.25 to $17.25 a week. The rates payable for their children will be increased by $1 for the first child and $2 for the second and each subsequent child, making the pension for each child $7 a week. The pension for a child who has lost both parents will be increased by .$2. to $14 a week. Also to be increased are the additional allowances payable to war pensioners who require an attendant and- to those who have suffered amputation of one or more limbs or the loss of an eye,
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The maximum loan under the War Service Homes Scheme will be increased from $8,000 to $9,000. Pending assent to the necessary legislation, applications for the increased loan will be accepted from eligi-bie new purchasers and borrowers. As soon as the legislation is assented to, applications will be accepted, in conformity with existing policy and within the new loan limit, for additional loans for essential extra accommodation and approved utility services. An amount of S60m has been provided, under advances for capital purposes, for War Service Home.
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We have adopted a new approach to Commonwealth assistance to the States for housing. Under the previous CommonwealthState Housing Agreements such amounts as were nominated for housing by each State out of its annual Loan Council borrowing programmes were advanced by the Commonwealth at a rate of 1 per cent below the long-term bond rate. The States will continue to determine the amount of their annual Loan Council borrowing programmes to be allocated to housing. However, the Commonwealth will no longer make housing advances at concessional interest rates to the States but instead will offer direct grants to help the States continue to provide housing for lower’ income groups.
Subject to conditions, designed to maintain the Home Builders’ Account arrange ments, we propose, in respect of State housing activities in each year from 1971- 72 to 1975-76, a basic grant of $2.75m a year payable for a period of 30 years. Because this annual grant is cumulative, we will be committed to pay over $412m to the States during the next 34 years. We also propose a non-cumulative grant of $ 1.25m each year for the next five years as a contribution towards the cost to the States of reduced rents for families they regard as being in need of this assistance. The Commonwealth will also offer to advance all the funds to be spent by the States on building homes at the Commonwealth’s request for serving members of the Forces - thus relieving the States of the obligation to use a portion of- their housing funds for this purpose.
The Minister for Housing will elaborate on these proposals.
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There will be an increase in the operational subsidy payable to the Royal Flying Doctor Service from $180,000 per annum for the triennium just completed to a new yearly rate of $315,000 for the triennium 1971-74. In addition, the Government will continue to provide a capital grant at the same rate of $170,000 per annum as has applied for the past three years.
The Commonwealth is meeting a significant share of the cost of education throughout Australia, both through the support it gives to State budgets and by direct expenditure under Commonwealth programmes.
In 1971-72 Commonwealth payments to the States for particular types of expenditure on education are expected to exceed $200m. The bulk of these payments - about SI 28m - is for universities and colleges of advanced education. This figure includes a special allocation to assist these institutions in meeting the cost of exceptional increases in non-academic salaries. In its own territories the Commonwealth expects to provide about $77m this year.
The number of advanced education scholarships will be increased from 2,500 to 4,000 awards from the beginning of 1972. There will also be 200 new awards for students in teacher education who contemplate joining the Commonwealth Teaching Service. Expenditure on the various scholarship programmes this year is estimated at $43. 7m compared with $3 8. 4m last year.
Taken as a whole, Commonwealth direct expenditure on education is estimated at almost $346m, or 14 per cent more than last year. The value to taxpayers of deductions for education expenses is estimated to be $7Sm this year.
The estimates provide for an increase of $9m in external economic aid to developing countries including Papua New Guinea. As explained in Statement No. 8, a greater increase could conceivably emerge later in the year. Bilateral aid (excluding Papua New Guinea) will increase by 8 per cent in 1971-72. Further details are set out iri that Statement.
For the first time, Australia in 1970 exceeded the internationally accepted ‘one per cent’ target for the total flow of financial resources, both official and private, to developing countries. The probability is that we shall do so again this year. In terms of the amount of official development assistance extended to developing countries, expressed as a percentage of Gross National Product, Australia was ranked third in the world in 1970, for the fifth year in succession, by the Development Assistance Committee of OECD.
Commonwealth assistance to industry takes a variety of forms including payments to industry, special taxation concessions, and contributions to promotion and research. Last year, Commonwealth assistance under these three heads amounted to $658m, of which payments to industry accounted for $3 17m. Details are given in Statement No. 9.
Commonwealth payments to industry are expected to total $37 lm or $54m more than last year. Export incentive payments are expected to total $53m, industrial research and development grants $13m, net expenditure by way of subsidy to shipbuilding $10m and payments of petroleum search subsidy $8.6m.
Rural industries continue to encounter serious difficulties in export markets; countries of the European Economic Community adhere to a protective Common Agricultural Policy and many other countries pursue policies aimed at agricultural self-sufficiency. There seems to be little prospect that these difficulties will ease.
In considering the amount of assistance to be provided from the Budget this year for rural industries, the Government noted that farm income in 1970-71 is estimated at about $8 10m, about $265m less than the year before’. This has had an impact not merely on the producer but on rural communities generally.
The Government has given high priority to measures aimed at giving support to farmers whose enterprises are basically viable, but who are burdened with an excessive amount of short-term .debt or whose properties could with advantage be built up to a larger size. To finance schemes of debt reconstruction and farm build-up, an amount of $4m was paid to New South Wales last year and a further $40m is provided this year for payment to the States.
Provision is also made for payment to the States of $ 11.5m under the marginal dairy farms reconstruction scheme. Payments last year were $3.lm.
Advances for capital purposes include $10m for the Commonwealth Development Bank to help finance an extension of the Bank’s operations to include loans to farmers to build up the size and operational efficiency of their farms.
In these various ways the Government has demonstrated its willingness to assist farmers to adjust to the changes that are occurring in the rural sector. For those farmers not in a position to achieve commercial viability, the Commonwealth will introduce a retraining scheme. Details will be announced by the Minister for Labour and National Service. The rural reconstructions scheme also provided for rehabilitation assistance - where this is necessary to alleviate personal hardship - to those farmers obliged to leave rural’ industry.
The Government has given particular consideration to the position of those farmers substantially dependent on their income from wool. The collapse in . wool prices during 1970 brought them to a figure as low as that ruling in 1948 when, of course, costs were much lower.
The Australian Wool Commission’s operations have had a stabilising effect on wool prices. As already announced by the Minister for Primary Industry, the Government will continue to support the Commission in its reserve price operations on the same basis as in the past season, subject to regular reports and review by the Commission on its purchases and buying limits. Last year the Commonwealth made available to the Commission $12m for working capital to finance purchases of wool and an arrangement was negotiated with the trading banks to. provide up to $34m to the Commission for this same purpose. This latter amount is not yet fully drawn. Advances for capital purposes include a further $10m to be advanced to the Commission as working capital .should this be needed.
The Budget provides, in addition, $4m against a. possible loss by the Commission and §3.7m towards the costs involved in handling wool included in the Price Averaging Plan.
The Government has decided that producers of wool should be given additional assistance this year, and will introduce a 1- year scheme of deficiency payments in respect of the 1971-72 wool clip. Deficiency payments will be a percentage of market realisations, calculated from time to time so as to ensure that, on average, growers receive for shorn wool - other than specified inferior types accounting for about 10 per cent of shorn wool - a return corresponding to a price for the whole clip of 36c a pound greasy. Under this method individual growers will retain an incentive to obtain the best possible price for their wool. The necessary legislation will be introduced by the Minister for Primary Industry as soon as practicable.
Provision is made in the Budget for expenditure of $60m under this scheme in 1971-72. Some expenditure will also be involved next year in respect of wool sold towards the end of the season. In calculating the possible total commitment, the Government has, of course, had to assume a figure for likely market proceeds from sales of wool in 1971-72. However, accu rate estimation of this figure is scarcely feasible because of the many factors that have a bearing on it and the expenditure estimate I have mentioned is subject to a considerable margin of uncertainty.
The phosphate fertilizers bounty will be extended to 31 December 1974. Expected expenditure this year is $38m.
The 1-year additional bounty on 1970- 71 butter and cheese production is to be extended to 1971-72 production at a lower rate. Expenditure on butter and cheese bounties this year is expected to be almost $40m.
A 5-year stabilisation plan for the apple and pear industry will be introduced, at an estimated cost in 1971-72 of $3m.
Payments to rural industries, details of which are given in Statement No. 9, are expected to total $275m- -that is, S65m more than last year.
The Commonwealth has assisted primary producers affected by drought by reimbursing State Governments where they are involved in substantial relief expenditures of an abnormal nature. Last year we provided nearly $14m to New South Wales and Queensland and this year we will continue to assist the Queensland Government in financing relief measures and restocking assistance.
The situation in the wine industry has been kept under close review by the Government. Having considered the report of an inter-departmental committee, we have decided not to alter the existing duty on wine. However, the problems currently affecting some growers in the industry are well recognised and will be kept under review by Commonwealth, State and industry authorities in conjunction with the Agricultural Council.
The Export Payments Insurance Corporation Act will be amended to enable a buyers’ credit scheme to help Australian exporters of capital goods. The Minister for Trade and Industry will introduce the necessary legislation.
It is estimated that advances for capital purposes will increase by $47m to $495m. Last year the increase was $83m.
The largest increase - $56m - is in the advance to Qantas to meet payments on new aircraft. This item represents a transfer to Qantas of the proceeds of drawings against certain loans raised overseas for aircraft purchases; it does not involve any domestic outlays.
The amount to be provided to the Post Office from the Budget is S255m - $8m more than last year. The remaining finance for its capital programme will be provided by the Post Office from internal resources- mainly depreciation funds.
Post Office charges were increased last year, but increases in wage and salary levels have been much larger than were expected. The full year cost of wage and salary increases awarded in 1970-71 is estimated at $77m. Were charges to be left at their existing levels, a loss of more than $30m would be incurred this year. This would require either a substantial reduction in the Post Office capital programme, and consequently in the level of services, or a provision from the Budget much larger than our overall financial position would justify. To avoid such a loss, and to help in financing the capital programme, it is proposed to raise charges to increase Post Office receipts by about $50m in 1971-72. Details will be given to the House by the Postmaster-General.
A further capital payment of $12. 5m is to be made this year to the Australian Industry Development. Corporation. The payment made last year was $25m. There are substantial reductions also in various other advances, including those for the Snowy Mountains Hydro-Electric Authority and the Australian National Airlines Commission.
Expenditure on other capital works and services is estimated to be S262m, an increase of $22m.
There will be an additional $9m for new hospital construction in the Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory, and an additional $4m towards construction of the new standard-gauge line between Port Augusta and Whyalla.
Departmental running costs are estimated, at current levels of salaries and costs, to increase by $84m, or 15 per cent. This large increase is in part explained by the additional public service pay-day in 1971- 72 which takes $16m and in part by the full-year effect of salary increases awarded last year. The Government is concerned about the rate of growth of departmental expenditure and has taken action to curtail it. It is proposed to initiate within the Government a review of the existing functions and activities of departments. It is not expected that this review, which will of necessity be spread over some months, will lead to substantial additional economies in the current financial year. In the longer term, however, the Goverment aims to achieve further economies which should ensure that the rate of increase in departmental expenditure is restricted to the absolute minimum consistent with the execution of Commonwealth functions of vital importance to the national -welfare.
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Grants in support of the performing arts will be increased to $4.5m. Details to be announced by the Minister for the Environment, Aborigines and the Arts will show increased funds for further, development of the Australian Opera Company and Orchestra.
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An amount of $14.35m will be available for expenditure from the Aboriginal Advancement Trust Account mainly for special programmes of housing, health and education. This is an increase of $3.1m or 28 per cent. Grants to the States will be increased by 31 per cent to $9.2m and expenditure on study and secondary grants for the education of Aboriginal children is expected to increase by - 52 per cent to $3.8m.
In addition, expenditure on Aboriginal advancement by or on behalf of the Northern Territory Administration is expected to amount to more than SI 6m.
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Existing Commonwealth Superannuation Fund and Defence Forces Retirement Benefits Fund pensions, which were last increased in 1967, will again be increased by the notional salary method, using salary and pension entitlement levels ruling on 30 June 1971.
The estimated cost of the increases is $ 11.5m this year, but the net cost, to the Budget is estimated at $6.2m because a large part of the cost will be met by the Post Office and other authorities outside the Budget.
A comparable adjustment of existing pensions payable under the Parliamentary Retiring Allowances Act will also be made at an estimated cost of $78,000 this year.
The notional salary method is complex and experience has shown that it generates anomalies and inequities between pensioners. The Government proposes to examine simpler and more equitable methods of adjustment with a view to future application on a regular basis. .
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We see it as a critically important objective of our policy to combat the inflationary forces now running in our economy, and it is against this objective that 1 now come to explain the strategy of this Budget and our decision to raise additional revenues.
Although cost increases and the price increases which follow them may be due, in the first instance, to increases in wages and other cost elements, they are without doubt stimulated and made possible by conditions of strong demand for resources. Hence, if resistance to such cost increases is to be stiffened, as it must be, there has to be a sufficient degree of restraint on potential demand for resources, particularly in those sectors where it is obviously running too high. -
The chief instruments available to the Government and its related authorities are the annual Budget, the. effects of which are spread over the ensuing year, and monetary measures taken by the Reserve Bank in collaboration with the Government.
I said earlier, one of the most expansive sectors of demand has been public sector expenditure, of which Commonwealth expenditure comprises - a large share. Obviously, therefore; we had to make this our first target, and I have described the steps we have taken to slow down the rate of increase in this source of demand.
Since there will still be, within Australia, a considerable increase in Commonwealth spending, it must at least be offset by an increase in Commonwealth domestic receipts from taxation and other sources of revenue. But if, as we believe, there is need to apply a wider restraint than this and exert a steadying influence on the upward course of demand in the economy, the rise in these receipts should more than cover the increase in expenditures. In other words, there has to be a larger surplus of domestic receipts over domestic- expenditures. The practical question is how much larger this surplus ought to be.
After considering this question in depth the Government reached the view that it should seek a somewhat larger domestic surplus than the $550m envisaged in the 1970-71 Budget. Because subsequent events added heavily to our expenditures and our revenues were adversely affected by the Senate rejection of our legislation on the States’ receipts duty, the domestic surplus last year proved to be $460m. We see this, however, as an adventitious result, hardly to be taken as a guide for what should be sought in 1971-72.
For some time there has been a prospect that monetary liquidity would rise excessively. This has been due principally to the rapid build-up of our overseas reserves which in turn has been due to excellent results on our external trading account and the sustained high level of capital inflow. The effect is to add to the financial resources available to people and institutions within Australia over and above those derived from domestic sources. Obviously this must operate to facilitate higher levels of expenditure at a time when these are already high.
Achievement of a domestic surplus, by which more is withdrawn in revenues than is put forth in expenditures within Australia, works against this tendency for liquidity to rise to excess. Net sales of securities to the public, together with monetary measures such as restraints on bank lending, operate in the same direction. In the prevailing and foreseen economic conditions, it will be necessary to maintain a restrictive monetary policy and, as was the case last year, to encourage sales of government - securities. The relationship between the Budget and monetary conditions is discussed in some detail in Statement No. 3.
From what we see now, the influences tending to produce excess liquidity could continue strongly in 1971-72. This provides a further reason for seeking to achieve a large domestic surplus. The figure we have decided upon is $630m, which is S80m more than the amount for which we budgeted last year.
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Before allowing for revenue measures which I will discuss later, it is estimated that total receipts this year would be $8,654m, an increase of $624m, or 7.8 per cent. However, if adjusted to allow for the transfer of pay-roll tax to the States, the figure comparable with , actual receipts last year would be $8,913m, an increase of 11 per cent. The basis of these revenue estimates is discussed in Statement No. 5.
Because of cost increases, we are proposing to increase some charges. Governments are not immune to cost increases and users of government services - rather than the general taxpayer - should be required to meet these costs. However, to achieve a domestic surplus of $630m it is necessary for us to seek additional tax revenue in this financial year of $157m.
To decide upon the particular taxes by which this additional revenue would be raised proved to be a matter of some difficulty. In the present context the object of any tax increase is to moderate development of demand and that can be done either by taxes on incomes or by taxes on spending - that is, taxes levied on commodities. The latter form of taxation has the drawback that it adds to prices. Taxes on incomes are more likely to be free from this consequence although it is sometimes argued that company tax increases eventually find their way into prices. On balance, the Government has decided to seek the major part of the additional revenue it needs in 1971-72 from taxes on certain company income and on personal incomes and the lesser part from increases in customs and excise duties on petroleum products and tobacco products. Our proposals are accordingly as follows.
At present, the first $10,000 of a company’s taxable income is generally taxed at a lower Tate than the balance. We have concluded that the present concessional rates are no longer warranted. In reaching this conclusion we have been mindful not only of revenue requirements but also of the fact that the rates were adopted in circumstances largely different from those now prevailing and that, in some instances, these provisions have been the basis of tax minimising schemes by some taxpayers. We therefore consider this change as a move not merely producing additional revenue, but also as one towards a sounder and more equitable system of company tax. We propose that the rates applied to the first $10,000 of taxable income, including shadingin and special rates, be. increased by 5c in the dollar. Friendly Society Dispensaries - which have a uniform rate of 37± per cent - will not be affected. The general public company rate of 47£ per cent will therefore apply to the whole of the income of public companies other than income taxed at special rates. For private companies the rate on the first $10,000 of taxable income will be 37± per cent and the rate on the balance will remain at 421 per cent. These changes, which will apply to incomes of companies .for the income year 1970-71, are estimated to yield $24m this year.
A consequential change will be made to the rate on the first $10,000 of 1971-72 investment income of a superannuation fund that does not invest a sufficient proportion of its assets in public securities, as these funds are taxed at the same rates as mutual income of a life insurance company.
It is proposed to raise a large part of the balance of our revenue requirements through the personal income tax rather than add further to sales tax. Accordingly, we propose to increase the 2i per cent levy to 5 per cent. This increase is estimated to yield $68m this year. The new scale of tax instalment deductions from wages and salaries will operate from 1 October 1971.
The levy will not apply to tax calculated under the age allowance. Consequently the upper limits of the shading-in ranges of the age allowance will increase. Apart from that, it is not proposed to change the agc allowance.
It is proposed to liberalise certain deductions allowed to personal income taxpayers. The deductions in question relate to education, a matter to which we attach great importance, and to child adoption expenses. We propose that the maximum deduction allowable for education expenses of a dependent full-time student child be increased from $300 to $400 per annum. We also propose that education expenses will be allowable deductions in respect of such students under 25 years instead of under 21 as at present. Consistently with that, we shall increase to 25 years the agc at which a student ceases to qualify as a dependant for purposes of the dependant’s allowance. Finally, it is proposed that a deduction be allowed for legal expenses and court costs of the kind normally incurred by a taxpayer in adopting a child. It is estimated that the cost to revenue of these concessions will be $405,000 this year and $6,350,000 in a full year.
We shall need to raise more revenue than will be yielded by the measures 1 have just mentioned. Accordingly, we propose to increase the rates of customs and excise duties on cigarettes and cigars by 50c per lb and on manufactured tobacco by 25c per lb. It is estimated that these increases will yield $21m this year.
We also propose to increase by 2c a gallon the customs and excise duties on motor spirit, automotive distillate used in road vehicles operating on public roads, aviation turbine fuel and aviation gasoline. These changes are estimated to yield $43 m this year.
For some years there have been exemptions from excise for coal tar and coke oven distillates produced as a by-product in the process of converting coal to coke. The Government is satisfied that the circumstances giving rise to the exemption no longer have force, and has decided to remove this exemption where these distillates are used as substitutes for or in admixture with motor spirit. It has also been decided to remove the current excise exemption for condensate produced from natural casing head gas when it is used in admixture with motor spirit in internal combustion engines. These changes .are estimated to save the revenue $1.3m in 1971-72.
The’ net effect of the various taxation proposals I have just outlined will be to increase revenues this year by $ 1 57m.
As promised when the investment allowance for manufacturing plant and equipment was suspended, the Government has given further thought to the transitional provisions but has decided against amendment of the legislation.
Listeners* and viewers’ licences
Listeners’ and viewers’ licence fees were last increased in October 1968. Since then, the gap between receipts from licence fees and expenditure in providing and maintaining the National Broadcasting and Television Service has increased because of mounting wage costs, extension of television to lesser-populated country areas and development of programme services. lt is proposed to increase licence fees, other than the special rates payable by pensioners, to yield Slim in 1971-72. Fur,ther details will be provided by the PostmasterGeneral. light dues
To help meet the rising costs of providing marine navigation aids, it is proposed to increase light dues - that is, charges to shipping for the use of these facilities - from 20 cents to 22 cents per net registered ton per quarter. The increased charges will apply from 1 October 1971 and are estimated to yield $480,000 this year. pharmaceutical benefits- patient charge
The Government has for some tune been greatly concerned at the mounting cost of the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. The charge payable by patients has been 50 cents since the charge was adopted in 1960. In that year the cost of the Scheme was $49m; last year it was $160m. A charge of 50 cents, appropriate eleven years ago, cannot be regarded as appropriate today. Accordingly, the Government proposes to introduce legislation to increase the charge to one dollar. As a result of this change it is estimated that
Commonwealth expenditure this year under the Pharmaceutical Benefits arrangements will be reduced by about $16m. Pensioners and their dependants enrolled in the Pensioner Medical Service, who are entitled to free pharmaceutical benefits, will continue to be exempt from any charge. Special arrangements will be made for those persons enrolled in the Subsidised Health Insurance Scheme to continue to receive pharmaceutical benefits for the present contribution of 50 cents for each prescription.
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In recent years there have been annual increases in rates of air navigation charges in accordance with the Government’s policy that the air transport industry should progressively meet a greater proportion of the costs of airports and airway facilities. A Working Group of departmental officers and airline representatives will shortly complete a report, in which the airlines are making submissions concerning the costs they should meet. A decision on air navigation charges will be taken by the Government after consideration of the report.
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Fiscal action can exercise a pervasive effect, but the Government’s capacity to deal directly with inflationary pressures arising primarily from cost ‘ pressures is more limited. We have already taken some action in areas where we have power to do so and the Government has under active study various other aspects of the problem of excessive cost increases. I might mention, in this budget context, that the Government is considering what might be done by way of strengthening the arbitration system and, in particular, bringing more to the forefront the economic consequences of decisions which are taken within that system. When these studies have been completed, we will consider whether further measures should be taken to cope with the problem of excessive cost and price increases.
I must refer to the escalating level of industrial unrest. Working days lost through industrial disputes in the first five months of 1971 topped the high rate of last year by nearly 25 per cent. In the past three years the annual loss of working days has been 1.1m, 2.0m and 2.4m. But it is not the direct losses of production and wages from this rising tide of militancy which are so disturbing as the fact that confrontations in industry are often resolved only at the cost of grossly inflationary wage settlements. The real costs to the community of the stimulus to inflation which such settlements provide dwarf, I venture to suggest, the direct losses from prolonged stoppages. If the inflationary trend is to be contained, a halt will have to be called to this process.
I need hardly add that the Government will do all it can, by persuasion and example, to encourage those in the private sector who make decisions directly affecting wages and other costs, profits, and ultimately prices, to have at all times in the forefront of their consideration the broad national interest. Let mc say too that we are very conscious of the problems posed for manufacturers and other businesses by inflationary tendencies and other economic trends.
In striving to restrain the forces of inflation, the Government has been concerned to ensure that this Budget does not contribute to a situation- where demand pressures might be superimposed upon cost pressures. There may be some who believe that we should have taken that risk and allowed demand to have its head. At least in the short term, this would have been the easier and perhaps the more popular course. But in our view it would not have been the right way nor the responsible way. We will be keeping the whole situation under very close review throughout the year so as to make any adjustments in policy which might prove to be necessary.
As it is, we believe the Budget will not discourage the real growth of the economy. Given the anticipated growth in productive capacity, there should be scope for growth in the demands of the private sector. There is scope for a real lift in the standard of living which should be shared by many who would otherwise be the undefended victims of inflation and the self-seeking of stronger, more aggressive groups.
On its own, the Budget cannot, of course, ensure that the nations’ objectives are achieved. But this Budget, concerned as it is with the high national objectives of social welfare, economic strength and national security, provides the essential framework for the attainment of these national goals.
Debate (on motion by Mr Whitlam) adjourned.
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